スポンサードリンク
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Can sudden Beijing-Taipei detente help promote regional stability?
中台首脳初会談 急接近は地域安定に役立つか
For the first time since the Chinese mainland and Taiwan split in 1949, the top leaders from both sides of the Taiwan Strait have met face-to-face. This is definitely a historic meeting.
１９４９年の分断後初めて、中国と台湾のトップが直接顔を合わせた。歴史的な会談である。
What influence can the sudden move toward rapprochement between Beijing and Taipei, each of which has refused to recognize the other’s sovereignty, have on the prospects for East Asia’s peace and prosperity? This question must be carefully scrutinized.
互いに相手の主権を認めていない中台の急接近が、東アジアの平和と繁栄にどんな影響を与えるのか。慎重に見極めねばならない。
China’s President Xi Jinping and Taiwan’s President Ma Ying-jeou had the meeting on Saturday in Singapore, reconfirming what is referred to as the “1992 Consensus” based on the principle of “one China,” with each side having its own interpretation of what that means.
中国の習近平国家主席と台湾の馬英九総統がシンガポールで会談し、「一つの中国」の原則を中台がそれぞれ独自に解釈するという「９２年合意」を再確認した。
Regarding Beijing-Taipei relations, Xi stressed in the meeting, “I hope the two sides will make joint efforts ... to uphold the 1992 Consensus ... keep the right direction in the development of cross-Strait relations.” Ma was said in response to have praised the current state of the relationship, noting the relations between the sides were “the most peaceful and stable period.”
中台関係について習氏は、「双方が共に努力し、『９２年合意』を堅持し、正しい方向に発展し続けるよう望む」と強調した。馬氏も、「最も平和で安定した段階にある」と現状を高く評価した。
China has positioned the Beijing-Taipei summit as a strategic step toward future unification of the two sides. The summit can also be deemed to have stemmed from a well-calculated step on Xi’s part that was designed to demonstrate at home and abroad his intent to play a leadership role in addressing the Taiwan problem.
中国は、首脳会談を将来の中台統一の布石と位置付ける。台湾問題を主導する姿を国内外に誇示する習氏の計算もうかがえる。
It is considered likely that the upcoming presidential election in Taiwan, scheduled for January next year, will lead to a change of government for the first time in eight years. Opinion polls show the candidate backed by the largest opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party — which leans toward independence for Taiwan — has a wide lead over the candidate supported by the ruling Nationalist Party (Kuomintang), which has been pushing a conciliatory stance toward China.
来年１月の台湾の総統選では、８年ぶりの政権交代の可能性が強まっている。世論調査では、「独立」志向の最大野党・民進党の候補が、対中融和を進める与党・国民党候補を大きくリードする。
Summit could backfire
Xi intends to indirectly support Kuomintang. Ma, for his part, is keen to recover lost political ground at home by urging voters to support his party’s pursuit of a stable relationship between Taiwan and China. The Xi-Ma summit was realized because the political motives of both sides were well aligned.
習氏は、国民党を側面支援したい。馬氏は、安定した対中関係を有権者に訴え、巻き返しを図りたい。首脳会談の実現は、両者の思惑が一致した結果である。
Ma, who is to leave his post in May next year, was probably also motivated to realize a meeting with China’s leader on an equal footing as his political legacy. However, it cannot be denied that the decline in popular support for the Kuomintang is due to the party’s policy of hastily getting closer to China economically, a policy that Ma has openly promoted since taking office in 2008, resulting in growing dependence on Beijing.
来年５月に退任する馬氏には、中国首脳との対等な会談を政治的な「遺産」にする意図もあろう。だが、国民党の支持低迷は、２００８年の馬氏就任以来、露骨になった経済面の性急な対中接近・依存が招いたことは否めない。
Anxieties have been spreading among residents of Taiwan that the region will be absorbed by China. There is also deep-rooted resentment that Taiwan’s closer ties with Beijing have benefited only the wealthy people.
台湾住民には、中国に呑のみ込まれるとの不安が広がる。中台緊密化の恩恵が富裕層にしか及んでいない、との不満も根強い。
An overwhelming majority of Taiwan’s residents want to maintain the status quo, neither unifying with China nor becoming independent. The summit this time will not necessarily benefit the Kuomintang in the presidential electoral campaign. On the contrary, the Xi-Ma meeting may backfire.
住民の圧倒的多数は、「中台統一」でも「独立」でもない、「現状維持」を望んでいる。首脳会談が国民党に有利に働くとは限らない。逆効果となる恐れもある。
The agreement by the two leaders not to adopt a joint declaration presumably resulted from the two taking such circumstances into account.
共同声明の見送りは、そうした事情に配慮したためだろう。
Amid the intensified U.S.-China confrontation over the South China Sea, it could be inferred that Xi intended to use the summit to create distance between Taiwan on one side and Japan and the United States on the other.
南シナ海を巡る米国との対立が激しくなる中、習氏には、首脳会談を通じて、台湾と日米を離間する狙いが透けて見える。
In the meeting, Xi welcomed the participation by Taiwan in the China-initiated Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. Directly supporting Taiwan’s participation in the bank in the summit after excluding Taipei as a founding member can be seen as part of China’s strategy to “embrace Taiwan.”
習氏は今回、中国主導のアジアインフラ投資銀行（ＡＩＩＢ）への台湾の加盟を歓迎すると表明した。創設メンバーから除外した台湾への配慮を直接示したのも「取り込み策」の一環と言える。
China, which has an overwhelming advantage over Taiwan in terms of both air and naval capabilities, has arrayed a large number of ballistic missiles on its coast. Stability of the Taiwan Strait is a matter of high importance that could affect Japan’s security.
中国は、沿岸部に大量の台湾向け弾道ミサイルを配備し、航空・海上戦力でも台湾を圧倒する。台湾海峡の安定は、日本の安全保障にもかかわる重要課題だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 8, 2015)
Can sudden Beijing-Taipei detente help promote regional stability?
中台首脳初会談 急接近は地域安定に役立つか
For the first time since the Chinese mainland and Taiwan split in 1949, the top leaders from both sides of the Taiwan Strait have met face-to-face. This is definitely a historic meeting.
１９４９年の分断後初めて、中国と台湾のトップが直接顔を合わせた。歴史的な会談である。
What influence can the sudden move toward rapprochement between Beijing and Taipei, each of which has refused to recognize the other’s sovereignty, have on the prospects for East Asia’s peace and prosperity? This question must be carefully scrutinized.
互いに相手の主権を認めていない中台の急接近が、東アジアの平和と繁栄にどんな影響を与えるのか。慎重に見極めねばならない。
China’s President Xi Jinping and Taiwan’s President Ma Ying-jeou had the meeting on Saturday in Singapore, reconfirming what is referred to as the “1992 Consensus” based on the principle of “one China,” with each side having its own interpretation of what that means.
中国の習近平国家主席と台湾の馬英九総統がシンガポールで会談し、「一つの中国」の原則を中台がそれぞれ独自に解釈するという「９２年合意」を再確認した。
Regarding Beijing-Taipei relations, Xi stressed in the meeting, “I hope the two sides will make joint efforts ... to uphold the 1992 Consensus ... keep the right direction in the development of cross-Strait relations.” Ma was said in response to have praised the current state of the relationship, noting the relations between the sides were “the most peaceful and stable period.”
中台関係について習氏は、「双方が共に努力し、『９２年合意』を堅持し、正しい方向に発展し続けるよう望む」と強調した。馬氏も、「最も平和で安定した段階にある」と現状を高く評価した。
China has positioned the Beijing-Taipei summit as a strategic step toward future unification of the two sides. The summit can also be deemed to have stemmed from a well-calculated step on Xi’s part that was designed to demonstrate at home and abroad his intent to play a leadership role in addressing the Taiwan problem.
中国は、首脳会談を将来の中台統一の布石と位置付ける。台湾問題を主導する姿を国内外に誇示する習氏の計算もうかがえる。
It is considered likely that the upcoming presidential election in Taiwan, scheduled for January next year, will lead to a change of government for the first time in eight years. Opinion polls show the candidate backed by the largest opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party — which leans toward independence for Taiwan — has a wide lead over the candidate supported by the ruling Nationalist Party (Kuomintang), which has been pushing a conciliatory stance toward China.
来年１月の台湾の総統選では、８年ぶりの政権交代の可能性が強まっている。世論調査では、「独立」志向の最大野党・民進党の候補が、対中融和を進める与党・国民党候補を大きくリードする。
Summit could backfire
Xi intends to indirectly support Kuomintang. Ma, for his part, is keen to recover lost political ground at home by urging voters to support his party’s pursuit of a stable relationship between Taiwan and China. The Xi-Ma summit was realized because the political motives of both sides were well aligned.
習氏は、国民党を側面支援したい。馬氏は、安定した対中関係を有権者に訴え、巻き返しを図りたい。首脳会談の実現は、両者の思惑が一致した結果である。
Ma, who is to leave his post in May next year, was probably also motivated to realize a meeting with China’s leader on an equal footing as his political legacy. However, it cannot be denied that the decline in popular support for the Kuomintang is due to the party’s policy of hastily getting closer to China economically, a policy that Ma has openly promoted since taking office in 2008, resulting in growing dependence on Beijing.
来年５月に退任する馬氏には、中国首脳との対等な会談を政治的な「遺産」にする意図もあろう。だが、国民党の支持低迷は、２００８年の馬氏就任以来、露骨になった経済面の性急な対中接近・依存が招いたことは否めない。
Anxieties have been spreading among residents of Taiwan that the region will be absorbed by China. There is also deep-rooted resentment that Taiwan’s closer ties with Beijing have benefited only the wealthy people.
台湾住民には、中国に呑のみ込まれるとの不安が広がる。中台緊密化の恩恵が富裕層にしか及んでいない、との不満も根強い。
An overwhelming majority of Taiwan’s residents want to maintain the status quo, neither unifying with China nor becoming independent. The summit this time will not necessarily benefit the Kuomintang in the presidential electoral campaign. On the contrary, the Xi-Ma meeting may backfire.
住民の圧倒的多数は、「中台統一」でも「独立」でもない、「現状維持」を望んでいる。首脳会談が国民党に有利に働くとは限らない。逆効果となる恐れもある。
The agreement by the two leaders not to adopt a joint declaration presumably resulted from the two taking such circumstances into account.
共同声明の見送りは、そうした事情に配慮したためだろう。
Amid the intensified U.S.-China confrontation over the South China Sea, it could be inferred that Xi intended to use the summit to create distance between Taiwan on one side and Japan and the United States on the other.
南シナ海を巡る米国との対立が激しくなる中、習氏には、首脳会談を通じて、台湾と日米を離間する狙いが透けて見える。
In the meeting, Xi welcomed the participation by Taiwan in the China-initiated Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. Directly supporting Taiwan’s participation in the bank in the summit after excluding Taipei as a founding member can be seen as part of China’s strategy to “embrace Taiwan.”
習氏は今回、中国主導のアジアインフラ投資銀行（ＡＩＩＢ）への台湾の加盟を歓迎すると表明した。創設メンバーから除外した台湾への配慮を直接示したのも「取り込み策」の一環と言える。
China, which has an overwhelming advantage over Taiwan in terms of both air and naval capabilities, has arrayed a large number of ballistic missiles on its coast. Stability of the Taiwan Strait is a matter of high importance that could affect Japan’s security.
中国は、沿岸部に大量の台湾向け弾道ミサイルを配備し、航空・海上戦力でも台湾を圧倒する。台湾海峡の安定は、日本の安全保障にもかかわる重要課題だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 8, 2015)
--The Asahi Shimbun, Nov. 6
（社説）国連核決議 核保有国との溝埋めよ
EDITORIAL: Japan needs more robust diplomatic strategy to unite nuclear and non-nuclear powers
The recent vote on a Japan-proposed United Nations resolution on nuclear weapons highlighted anew the deep rift between nuclear powers and non-nuclear nations.
核兵器を持つ国と持たぬ国の対立がまたもあらわになった。
The resolution calling for action to eliminate nuclear arms, submitted to the U.N. General Assembly’s First Committee, which deals with disarmament and security issues, was adopted with the support of 156 countries. But China and Russia voted against the resolution, while the United States, Britain and France abstained.
国連総会の第１委員会で、核兵器廃絶への行動を呼びかける日本提案の決議案が１５６カ国の賛成で採択された。中ロは反対し、米英仏が棄権した。
In the latest resolution, Japan encouraged leaders of the world to visit “the cities devastated by the use of nuclear weapons” as a way to emphasize the inhumane nature of nuclear weapons. This seems to be one of the reasons why the resolution failed to win the backing of the nuclear powers.
今回の決議で日本は指導者らの被爆地訪問を促し、核の非人道性に、より焦点をあてた。これが核保有国の賛同を得られなかった一因のようだ。
The argument that nuclear arms should be banned by an international treaty because nuclear attacks have inhumane consequences has been rapidly gaining support among nations without these weapons.
核兵器が非人道的な被害を及ぼす以上、条約で禁じるべきだという主張は、近年、非核保有国の間で急速に支持を広げている。
The Japan-drafted resolution doesn’t mention the need of a nuclear ban treaty. But the vote shows that nuclear powers are wary of the claim that nuclear weapons are inhumane by nature. This was clear from the unexpected moves by the United States and two other Western nuclear powers to abstain from the vote.
日本の決議案は禁止条約の必要性にまでは触れていない。だが非人道性に対する核保有国の警戒感が強く、米国まで棄権する予想外の展開となった。
Following the failure of the May meeting of the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons to agree on a final document, the refusal by the nuclear powers to support the resolution came as another sign of a disturbing stagnation in the nuclear disarmament movement.
最終文書をまとめられなかった５月の核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）再検討会議に続き、核軍縮はますます停滞の兆しだ。
The resolution was drafted by Japan in line with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s desire to establish “a guide for future nuclear disarmament efforts suitable for the 70th anniversary of the atomic bombings (of Hiroshima and Nagasaki).”
日本の決議案は、安倍首相が「被爆７０年にふさわしく、今後の核軍縮の指針に」としてのぞんだものだ。
One question that should be asked is whether Japan made sufficient efforts to win the support of nuclear powers for the document prior to the vote. 事前に核保有国の理解を得る努力は十分だったか。
This setback has underscored the tough challenges facing Japan’s diplomatic strategy for promoting the reduction of nuclear arms, a cause that is especially important for the nation as it has suffered devastating nuclear attacks.
被爆国として重要な外交政策である核軍縮を進める上で、課題を突き付けられた形だ。
Nations possessing nuclear arsenals have been reiterating that a gradual reduction in nuclear arms is the only path toward a nuclear-free future.
核保有国は「段階的な核軍縮だけが廃絶への唯一の道」と繰り返す。
Their argument is based on the view that rapid cuts in nuclear arms, which constitute the core of their security strategies, would only endanger stability in the world.
核は安全保障の根幹であり、急激な削減は世界の安定を乱す、との考え方だ。
A quarter-century since the end of the Cold War, however, there is no prospect of substantial progress toward the elimination of nuclear arms with more than 10,000 nuclear warheads still remaining in the world. The international community has been growing increasingly frustrated with this situation.
だが冷戦終結から四半世紀を経ても１万数千発の核兵器が存在し、核ゼロへの展望が開けないことに、国際社会はいらだちを募らせている。
It is glaringly obvious that nuclear arms are inhumane by nature and should never be used again.
核兵器が非人道的であり、二度と使ってはならないことは明らかだ。
There is no hope for the abolition of nuclear arms unless the nuclear powers abandon their dependence on the threat of the weapons for their security.
その脅しで安全を保つ考えを核保有国が改めていかない限り、核廃絶は望めない。
The Japanese government has pledged to play a role in bridging the gap between nuclear powers and non-nuclear countries.
日本政府はこれまで「核保有国と非核保有国の橋渡し役を目指す」といってきた。
But the reality is that Japan has been reluctant to change its policy of depending heavily on the protection of the U.S. “nuclear umbrella.”
だが、日本は米国の「核の傘」に閉じこもる姿勢をとってきたのが現実ではなかったか。
Japan had previously abstained from the vote on a resolution calling for a ban on nuclear arms proposed by Austria and other countries, bitterly disappointing victims of the atomic bombings.
オーストリアなどが提案した核兵器の禁止を求める決議案に、日本は棄権に回り、被爆者を失望させた。
Even if it is difficult for Japan to immediately wean itself from the protection afforded by the U.S. nuclear umbrella, there are ways it can contribute to the cause. Japan can, for example, get more actively involved in the international efforts to denuclearize the Korean Peninsula and the Middle East to reduce the role of nuclear arms in security. Japan should strive to lead the campaign for a reduction in nuclear arms through such efforts.
核の傘から直ちに脱却するのが難しくとも、朝鮮半島や中東などの非核化にもっと積極的に関与して核の役割を下げ、核軍縮への機運を主導するため努力していく。それが日本のとるべき道ではないか。
To give momentum to the stagnant nuclear disarmament movement, it is vital to take more effective steps to close the rift between nuclear powers and non-nuclear nations.
再び核廃絶への潮流を起こすには、核保有国と非核保有国の間の溝を埋めていくしかない。
Japan has a responsibility to keep recounting its suffering from the atomic bombings to make the world understand the consequences of nuclear attacks.
日本には被爆の経験を世界に訴える責任がある。
Tokyo should take the outcome of the vote on the resolution as a signal for the need to review its diplomatic strategy for promoting the reduction of nuclear arms.
今回の決議の採決結果を、核軍縮外交を練り直すきっかけとしたい。
（社説）国連核決議 核保有国との溝埋めよ
EDITORIAL: Japan needs more robust diplomatic strategy to unite nuclear and non-nuclear powers
The recent vote on a Japan-proposed United Nations resolution on nuclear weapons highlighted anew the deep rift between nuclear powers and non-nuclear nations.
核兵器を持つ国と持たぬ国の対立がまたもあらわになった。
The resolution calling for action to eliminate nuclear arms, submitted to the U.N. General Assembly’s First Committee, which deals with disarmament and security issues, was adopted with the support of 156 countries. But China and Russia voted against the resolution, while the United States, Britain and France abstained.
国連総会の第１委員会で、核兵器廃絶への行動を呼びかける日本提案の決議案が１５６カ国の賛成で採択された。中ロは反対し、米英仏が棄権した。
In the latest resolution, Japan encouraged leaders of the world to visit “the cities devastated by the use of nuclear weapons” as a way to emphasize the inhumane nature of nuclear weapons. This seems to be one of the reasons why the resolution failed to win the backing of the nuclear powers.
今回の決議で日本は指導者らの被爆地訪問を促し、核の非人道性に、より焦点をあてた。これが核保有国の賛同を得られなかった一因のようだ。
The argument that nuclear arms should be banned by an international treaty because nuclear attacks have inhumane consequences has been rapidly gaining support among nations without these weapons.
核兵器が非人道的な被害を及ぼす以上、条約で禁じるべきだという主張は、近年、非核保有国の間で急速に支持を広げている。
The Japan-drafted resolution doesn’t mention the need of a nuclear ban treaty. But the vote shows that nuclear powers are wary of the claim that nuclear weapons are inhumane by nature. This was clear from the unexpected moves by the United States and two other Western nuclear powers to abstain from the vote.
日本の決議案は禁止条約の必要性にまでは触れていない。だが非人道性に対する核保有国の警戒感が強く、米国まで棄権する予想外の展開となった。
Following the failure of the May meeting of the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons to agree on a final document, the refusal by the nuclear powers to support the resolution came as another sign of a disturbing stagnation in the nuclear disarmament movement.
最終文書をまとめられなかった５月の核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）再検討会議に続き、核軍縮はますます停滞の兆しだ。
The resolution was drafted by Japan in line with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s desire to establish “a guide for future nuclear disarmament efforts suitable for the 70th anniversary of the atomic bombings (of Hiroshima and Nagasaki).”
日本の決議案は、安倍首相が「被爆７０年にふさわしく、今後の核軍縮の指針に」としてのぞんだものだ。
One question that should be asked is whether Japan made sufficient efforts to win the support of nuclear powers for the document prior to the vote. 事前に核保有国の理解を得る努力は十分だったか。
This setback has underscored the tough challenges facing Japan’s diplomatic strategy for promoting the reduction of nuclear arms, a cause that is especially important for the nation as it has suffered devastating nuclear attacks.
被爆国として重要な外交政策である核軍縮を進める上で、課題を突き付けられた形だ。
Nations possessing nuclear arsenals have been reiterating that a gradual reduction in nuclear arms is the only path toward a nuclear-free future.
核保有国は「段階的な核軍縮だけが廃絶への唯一の道」と繰り返す。
Their argument is based on the view that rapid cuts in nuclear arms, which constitute the core of their security strategies, would only endanger stability in the world.
核は安全保障の根幹であり、急激な削減は世界の安定を乱す、との考え方だ。
A quarter-century since the end of the Cold War, however, there is no prospect of substantial progress toward the elimination of nuclear arms with more than 10,000 nuclear warheads still remaining in the world. The international community has been growing increasingly frustrated with this situation.
だが冷戦終結から四半世紀を経ても１万数千発の核兵器が存在し、核ゼロへの展望が開けないことに、国際社会はいらだちを募らせている。
It is glaringly obvious that nuclear arms are inhumane by nature and should never be used again.
核兵器が非人道的であり、二度と使ってはならないことは明らかだ。
There is no hope for the abolition of nuclear arms unless the nuclear powers abandon their dependence on the threat of the weapons for their security.
その脅しで安全を保つ考えを核保有国が改めていかない限り、核廃絶は望めない。
The Japanese government has pledged to play a role in bridging the gap between nuclear powers and non-nuclear countries.
日本政府はこれまで「核保有国と非核保有国の橋渡し役を目指す」といってきた。
But the reality is that Japan has been reluctant to change its policy of depending heavily on the protection of the U.S. “nuclear umbrella.”
だが、日本は米国の「核の傘」に閉じこもる姿勢をとってきたのが現実ではなかったか。
Japan had previously abstained from the vote on a resolution calling for a ban on nuclear arms proposed by Austria and other countries, bitterly disappointing victims of the atomic bombings.
オーストリアなどが提案した核兵器の禁止を求める決議案に、日本は棄権に回り、被爆者を失望させた。
Even if it is difficult for Japan to immediately wean itself from the protection afforded by the U.S. nuclear umbrella, there are ways it can contribute to the cause. Japan can, for example, get more actively involved in the international efforts to denuclearize the Korean Peninsula and the Middle East to reduce the role of nuclear arms in security. Japan should strive to lead the campaign for a reduction in nuclear arms through such efforts.
核の傘から直ちに脱却するのが難しくとも、朝鮮半島や中東などの非核化にもっと積極的に関与して核の役割を下げ、核軍縮への機運を主導するため努力していく。それが日本のとるべき道ではないか。
To give momentum to the stagnant nuclear disarmament movement, it is vital to take more effective steps to close the rift between nuclear powers and non-nuclear nations.
再び核廃絶への潮流を起こすには、核保有国と非核保有国の間の溝を埋めていくしかない。
Japan has a responsibility to keep recounting its suffering from the atomic bombings to make the world understand the consequences of nuclear attacks.
日本には被爆の経験を世界に訴える責任がある。
Tokyo should take the outcome of the vote on the resolution as a signal for the need to review its diplomatic strategy for promoting the reduction of nuclear arms.
今回の決議の採決結果を、核軍縮外交を練り直すきっかけとしたい。
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Japan-U.S. talks on ‘sympathy budget’ must be based on trust in alliance
思いやり予算 日米同盟の信頼損ねぬ議論を
Tokyo should conduct discussions calmly with Washington over its budgetary appropriations for host-nation support to U.S. forces in Japan — known as “omoiyari yosan” (sympathy budget) — because this support is crucial for this country’s security.
日本の安全保障に不可欠な経費負担であり、冷静に議論したい。
Negotiations between Japanese and U.S. governments have gone into high gear over a special treaty to determine Japan’s share of the cost of U.S. forces stationed in this country in fiscal 2016 and thereafter.
２０１６年度以降の在日米軍駐留経費の日本側負担（思いやり予算）を定める特別協定を巡り、日米両政府の交渉が本格化している。
The Japanese side is insisting on a drastic reduction of its burden, but the U.S. side is poised to maintain its demand that the cost be increased by several tens of percents.
日本側が大幅な削減を主張するのに対し、米側は数十％の増額を求めて譲らない構えだ。
The Japanese government wants to conclude the negotiations by the end of this year and have a new draft treaty endorsed by the ordinary Diet session next year.
年末までに交渉を妥結させたうえ、日本政府は来年の通常国会で新協定案の承認を求める。
The sympathy budget made its debut in fiscal 1978. It mainly pays for the development and maintenance of barracks and housing units stipulated under the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement, and labor costs and some of the expense of lighting, heating and water determined by a special treaty that is renewed every two to five years.
思いやり予算は、１９７８年度から始まった。日米地位協定に基づく隊舎、住宅などの施設整備費と、２～５年ごとに更新される特別協定で定める労務費や、光熱水料の一部負担が柱である。
The sympathy budget in fiscal 2015 is ¥189.9 billion. The budget has been gradually reduced after reaching a peak at ¥275.6 billion in fiscal 1999. But it has tended to level off in recent years.
１５年度の総額は、１８９９億円だ。９９年度の２７５６億円をピークに徐々に減少してきたが、近年は横ばい傾向にある。
In the current negotiations with the United States, Japan is requesting the abolition or reduction of the labor costs for employees at movie theaters and other entertainment facilities within U.S. bases, as well as expenses for lighting, heating and water because of the country’s difficult fiscal situation and the recent depreciation of the yen.
日本側は今回の交渉で、基地内の映画館など娯楽施設従業員の労務費や、光熱水料の廃止・縮減を求めている。厳しい財政事情や円安傾向が続いているためだ。
Bases key for security
Japan’s share of the burden will certainly increase in the future due to realignment of U.S. forces stationed in the country such as the transfer of U.S. marines in Okinawa Prefecture to Guam.
在沖縄海兵隊のグアム移転など在日米軍再編に伴う日本側の財政負担は今後、確実に増加する。
Formulation of new Guidelines for Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation and development of the new security-related laws will lead to the Self-Defense Forces expanding activities conducted jointly with U.S. forces. Japan uses this as one of the reasons for demanding a reduction of its cost burden.
新たな日米防衛協力の指針（ガイドライン）の策定や安全保障関連法の整備により、自衛隊の米軍協力の余地も広がる。これらも、減額要求の理由としている。
It is a matter of course for the government to try to eliminate wasteful spending in reducing the amount it pays for U.S. forces stationed in Japan and to rationalize use of the sympathy budget.
駐留経費の無駄遣いを排除するとともに、予算の使途の合理化を図るのは当然のことだ。
However, U.S. forces stationed in Japan are a foundation of the Japan-U.S. alliance. Therefore, it is significant to maintain quality of life for U.S. military personnel.
ただ、米軍の駐留は、日米同盟の根幹である。米兵の「生活の質」を維持することも重要だ。
Washington has reportedly cited reduction of its defense spending and the arms buildup due to its rebalancing effort to Asia as reasons for demanding an increase in Japan’s burden.
米側は、増額要求の理由として、国防費の削減や、アジア重視のリバランス（再均衡）政策に伴う軍備増強を挙げているという。
North Korea’s nuclear development and China’s maritime advances have made the security environment surrounding Japan increasingly volatile. The significance of the deterrence provided by U.S. forces in Japan is certainly increasing.
北朝鮮の核開発や、中国の海洋進出などで、日本を取り巻く安全保障環境は厳しさを増している。在日米軍の抑止力の重要性が高まっているのは確かだ。
Also, U.S. forces in Japan are in effect a public asset for the Asia-Pacific region. It was a U.S. Aegis-equipped destroyer based at Yokosuka Naval Base that sailed within 12 nautical miles of at least one of China’s artificial islands in the South China Sea.
在日米軍はアジア太平洋地域の公共財という側面もある。南シナ海で中国の人工島の１２カイリ内を航行したのは、米軍横須賀基地配備のイージス駆逐艦だった。
The government has shouldered part of the costs for U.S. forces in Japan not out of “sympathy.” They are necessary costs to secure peace and stability of Japan and in its neighboring region, and a fair share of responsibility as a U.S. ally.
在日米軍経費の一部を日本が負担するのは、「思いやり」ではない。日本と地域の平和と安定を確保するための必要経費であり、同盟国としての責任の分担だ。
The negotiations for the current treaty from fiscal 2011 to fiscal 2015 experienced rough going, too, because of the vast difference between assertions made by Japan and the United States. But they finally agreed to maintain the status quo.
１１～１５年度の現協定の交渉も双方の主張の隔たりが大きく、難航したが、最終的に現状維持で折り合った。
Tokyo and Washington must search for common ground by negotiating with each other based on how important this alliance is.
日米両政府は、同盟関係の重要性を踏まえて交渉し、着地点を探ることが大切である。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 7, 2015)
Japan-U.S. talks on ‘sympathy budget’ must be based on trust in alliance
思いやり予算 日米同盟の信頼損ねぬ議論を
Tokyo should conduct discussions calmly with Washington over its budgetary appropriations for host-nation support to U.S. forces in Japan — known as “omoiyari yosan” (sympathy budget) — because this support is crucial for this country’s security.
日本の安全保障に不可欠な経費負担であり、冷静に議論したい。
Negotiations between Japanese and U.S. governments have gone into high gear over a special treaty to determine Japan’s share of the cost of U.S. forces stationed in this country in fiscal 2016 and thereafter.
２０１６年度以降の在日米軍駐留経費の日本側負担（思いやり予算）を定める特別協定を巡り、日米両政府の交渉が本格化している。
The Japanese side is insisting on a drastic reduction of its burden, but the U.S. side is poised to maintain its demand that the cost be increased by several tens of percents.
日本側が大幅な削減を主張するのに対し、米側は数十％の増額を求めて譲らない構えだ。
The Japanese government wants to conclude the negotiations by the end of this year and have a new draft treaty endorsed by the ordinary Diet session next year.
年末までに交渉を妥結させたうえ、日本政府は来年の通常国会で新協定案の承認を求める。
The sympathy budget made its debut in fiscal 1978. It mainly pays for the development and maintenance of barracks and housing units stipulated under the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement, and labor costs and some of the expense of lighting, heating and water determined by a special treaty that is renewed every two to five years.
思いやり予算は、１９７８年度から始まった。日米地位協定に基づく隊舎、住宅などの施設整備費と、２～５年ごとに更新される特別協定で定める労務費や、光熱水料の一部負担が柱である。
The sympathy budget in fiscal 2015 is ¥189.9 billion. The budget has been gradually reduced after reaching a peak at ¥275.6 billion in fiscal 1999. But it has tended to level off in recent years.
１５年度の総額は、１８９９億円だ。９９年度の２７５６億円をピークに徐々に減少してきたが、近年は横ばい傾向にある。
In the current negotiations with the United States, Japan is requesting the abolition or reduction of the labor costs for employees at movie theaters and other entertainment facilities within U.S. bases, as well as expenses for lighting, heating and water because of the country’s difficult fiscal situation and the recent depreciation of the yen.
日本側は今回の交渉で、基地内の映画館など娯楽施設従業員の労務費や、光熱水料の廃止・縮減を求めている。厳しい財政事情や円安傾向が続いているためだ。
Bases key for security
Japan’s share of the burden will certainly increase in the future due to realignment of U.S. forces stationed in the country such as the transfer of U.S. marines in Okinawa Prefecture to Guam.
在沖縄海兵隊のグアム移転など在日米軍再編に伴う日本側の財政負担は今後、確実に増加する。
Formulation of new Guidelines for Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation and development of the new security-related laws will lead to the Self-Defense Forces expanding activities conducted jointly with U.S. forces. Japan uses this as one of the reasons for demanding a reduction of its cost burden.
新たな日米防衛協力の指針（ガイドライン）の策定や安全保障関連法の整備により、自衛隊の米軍協力の余地も広がる。これらも、減額要求の理由としている。
It is a matter of course for the government to try to eliminate wasteful spending in reducing the amount it pays for U.S. forces stationed in Japan and to rationalize use of the sympathy budget.
駐留経費の無駄遣いを排除するとともに、予算の使途の合理化を図るのは当然のことだ。
However, U.S. forces stationed in Japan are a foundation of the Japan-U.S. alliance. Therefore, it is significant to maintain quality of life for U.S. military personnel.
ただ、米軍の駐留は、日米同盟の根幹である。米兵の「生活の質」を維持することも重要だ。
Washington has reportedly cited reduction of its defense spending and the arms buildup due to its rebalancing effort to Asia as reasons for demanding an increase in Japan’s burden.
米側は、増額要求の理由として、国防費の削減や、アジア重視のリバランス（再均衡）政策に伴う軍備増強を挙げているという。
North Korea’s nuclear development and China’s maritime advances have made the security environment surrounding Japan increasingly volatile. The significance of the deterrence provided by U.S. forces in Japan is certainly increasing.
北朝鮮の核開発や、中国の海洋進出などで、日本を取り巻く安全保障環境は厳しさを増している。在日米軍の抑止力の重要性が高まっているのは確かだ。
Also, U.S. forces in Japan are in effect a public asset for the Asia-Pacific region. It was a U.S. Aegis-equipped destroyer based at Yokosuka Naval Base that sailed within 12 nautical miles of at least one of China’s artificial islands in the South China Sea.
在日米軍はアジア太平洋地域の公共財という側面もある。南シナ海で中国の人工島の１２カイリ内を航行したのは、米軍横須賀基地配備のイージス駆逐艦だった。
The government has shouldered part of the costs for U.S. forces in Japan not out of “sympathy.” They are necessary costs to secure peace and stability of Japan and in its neighboring region, and a fair share of responsibility as a U.S. ally.
在日米軍経費の一部を日本が負担するのは、「思いやり」ではない。日本と地域の平和と安定を確保するための必要経費であり、同盟国としての責任の分担だ。
The negotiations for the current treaty from fiscal 2011 to fiscal 2015 experienced rough going, too, because of the vast difference between assertions made by Japan and the United States. But they finally agreed to maintain the status quo.
１１～１５年度の現協定の交渉も双方の主張の隔たりが大きく、難航したが、最終的に現状維持で折り合った。
Tokyo and Washington must search for common ground by negotiating with each other based on how important this alliance is.
日米両政府は、同盟関係の重要性を踏まえて交渉し、着地点を探ることが大切である。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 7, 2015)
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Nuclear fuel cycle project faces crucial juncture for its continuation
もんじゅ勧告へ 核燃サイクル継続へ正念場だ
The nuclear fuel cycle project is an important pillar of Japan’s energy policy. For the fuel cycle project to continue, there is an urgent need to rebuild its system.
核燃料サイクル事業は日本のエネルギー政策の重要な柱だ。その継続のためには、体制の立て直しが急務である。
The Nuclear Regulation Authority (NRA) decided Wednesday that the Japan Atomic Energy Agency (JAEA), which oversees Monju, the fast breeder reactor, is not capable of operating and managing the reactor.
高速増殖炉「もんじゅ」の運営主体である日本原子力研究開発機構について、原子力規制委員会が「十分な能力がない」との判断を示した。
The NRA has also decided to issue a recommendation to the Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Ministry, which supervises the agency, to find an entity to take over operations and management of Monju from the JAEA within six months.
監督官庁の文部科学省に対しては、半年をメドに別の運営主体を探すよう勧告することを決めた。
If the ministry fails to find a new entity, the NRA will call on the ministry to drastically reexamine what to do with Monju in the future.
新たな運営主体が見つからない場合には、もんじゅの在り方を抜本的に見直すことを求める。
Unlike an ordinary nuclear reactor, Monju is a special reactor that uses sodium as coolant. It will not be easy to find a new entity to take over its operations.
一般の原子炉とは異なり、もんじゅは、ナトリウムを冷却材に使う特殊な炉だ。新たな担い手を探すのは容易ではあるまい。
The NRA’s decision to issue the recommendation can be viewed as a way of keeping pressure on the science and technology ministry to take rigorous measures, including the possibility of decommissioning Monju.
規制委の勧告決定は、廃炉の可能性を含めて、文科省に厳しい対応を迫る内容と言えよう。
Monju achieved criticality for the first time in 1994. Following a sodium leak accident in 1995, however, the reactor has hardly been put into operation.
もんじゅは１９９４年に初臨界を達成した。だが、９５年にナトリウム漏えい事故が起きた後は、ほとんど運転できていない。
In November 2012, when the reactor was in preparation for its restart, the NRA conducted an on-site inspection at the facility and found that the agency’s safety checks, including the setting of regular inspection periods, for about 10,000 out of nearly 50,000 pieces of equipment at the plant, were not appropriate. In May 2013, the NRA ordered the agency to suspend the preparatory work for restarting the reactor.
運転再開の準備中だった２０１２年１１月、立ち入り調査した原子力規制庁は、５万点近くある機器のうち、約１万点の点検期間の設定などが適切ではないと指摘した。規制委は１３年５月、運転準備作業の停止を命じた。
Poor report card
Even after that, the agency was criticized repeatedly for inadequate safety inspections, while engineering staff at the plant dealt with the problems only belatedly.
その後も、点検の不備が相次いで問題視され、現場の技術陣の対応も後手に回った。
Undeniably, there is a problem with the agency’s capability in dealing with the issues. It is understandable for the NRA to criticize the agency, saying, “The JAEA had been explaining that things would be improved, but it has been failing to achieve results.”
原子力機構の対処能力に問題があることは否定できまい。規制委が「原子力機構は改善すると説明してきたが、結果が伴わない」と批判したのは、無理もない。
The responsibility of the science and technology ministry, which failed to improve this situation, is also extremely grave.
事態を改善できなかった文科省の責任も極めて重い。
In its Strategic Energy Plan approved by the Cabinet in April last year, the government heralded once again the promotion of the nuclear fuel cycle. The government judged that changing the policy of promoting the nuclear fuel cycle would make it difficult for the nation to make effective use of a nuclear power generation in the future.
政府は、昨年４月に閣議決定したエネルギー基本計画で、核燃料サイクルの推進を改めて掲げた。政策を変更すれば、将来にわたる原子力発電の有効活用が困難になると判断したためだ。
Meanwhile, the government considers Monju as a nuclear reactor essential to test such capabilities as efficiently reprocessing radioactive waste.
もんじゅについては、放射性廃棄物を効率良く燃やす性能などを試験するために不可欠な原子炉と位置付けている。
The latest development may create a hole in the Strategic Energy Plan. Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said at a press conference Wednesday, “The science and technology ministry should solve the issue promptly.” But measures to rebuild the system for the nuclear fuel cycle project should be discussed from a broad perspective by the government as a whole.
今回の事態は、基本計画に綻びを生じさせかねない。菅官房長官は記者会見で、「文科省が速やかに解決すべきだ」と述べたが、政府として、立て直しに向けた打開策を幅広く検討すべきだ。
Many of the engineers who were in active service when Monju was constructed have already retired. The present plight shows the importance of maintaining and passing on technical knowledge. The NRA has also presented a viewpoint that a “deterioration in technical expertise” has made the matter more serious.
もんじゅ建設時の技術陣の多くは既に退職している。現在の苦境は、技術を維持・継承していくことの重要性を物語る。規制委も「技術の劣化」が、事態を深刻化させているとの見解を示した。
Measures to foster human resources engaged in nuclear power also need reinforcing.
原子力に携わる人材の育成策も強化せねばなるまい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 5, 2015)
Nuclear fuel cycle project faces crucial juncture for its continuation
もんじゅ勧告へ 核燃サイクル継続へ正念場だ
The nuclear fuel cycle project is an important pillar of Japan’s energy policy. For the fuel cycle project to continue, there is an urgent need to rebuild its system.
核燃料サイクル事業は日本のエネルギー政策の重要な柱だ。その継続のためには、体制の立て直しが急務である。
The Nuclear Regulation Authority (NRA) decided Wednesday that the Japan Atomic Energy Agency (JAEA), which oversees Monju, the fast breeder reactor, is not capable of operating and managing the reactor.
高速増殖炉「もんじゅ」の運営主体である日本原子力研究開発機構について、原子力規制委員会が「十分な能力がない」との判断を示した。
The NRA has also decided to issue a recommendation to the Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Ministry, which supervises the agency, to find an entity to take over operations and management of Monju from the JAEA within six months.
監督官庁の文部科学省に対しては、半年をメドに別の運営主体を探すよう勧告することを決めた。
If the ministry fails to find a new entity, the NRA will call on the ministry to drastically reexamine what to do with Monju in the future.
新たな運営主体が見つからない場合には、もんじゅの在り方を抜本的に見直すことを求める。
Unlike an ordinary nuclear reactor, Monju is a special reactor that uses sodium as coolant. It will not be easy to find a new entity to take over its operations.
一般の原子炉とは異なり、もんじゅは、ナトリウムを冷却材に使う特殊な炉だ。新たな担い手を探すのは容易ではあるまい。
The NRA’s decision to issue the recommendation can be viewed as a way of keeping pressure on the science and technology ministry to take rigorous measures, including the possibility of decommissioning Monju.
規制委の勧告決定は、廃炉の可能性を含めて、文科省に厳しい対応を迫る内容と言えよう。
Monju achieved criticality for the first time in 1994. Following a sodium leak accident in 1995, however, the reactor has hardly been put into operation.
もんじゅは１９９４年に初臨界を達成した。だが、９５年にナトリウム漏えい事故が起きた後は、ほとんど運転できていない。
In November 2012, when the reactor was in preparation for its restart, the NRA conducted an on-site inspection at the facility and found that the agency’s safety checks, including the setting of regular inspection periods, for about 10,000 out of nearly 50,000 pieces of equipment at the plant, were not appropriate. In May 2013, the NRA ordered the agency to suspend the preparatory work for restarting the reactor.
運転再開の準備中だった２０１２年１１月、立ち入り調査した原子力規制庁は、５万点近くある機器のうち、約１万点の点検期間の設定などが適切ではないと指摘した。規制委は１３年５月、運転準備作業の停止を命じた。
Poor report card
Even after that, the agency was criticized repeatedly for inadequate safety inspections, while engineering staff at the plant dealt with the problems only belatedly.
その後も、点検の不備が相次いで問題視され、現場の技術陣の対応も後手に回った。
Undeniably, there is a problem with the agency’s capability in dealing with the issues. It is understandable for the NRA to criticize the agency, saying, “The JAEA had been explaining that things would be improved, but it has been failing to achieve results.”
原子力機構の対処能力に問題があることは否定できまい。規制委が「原子力機構は改善すると説明してきたが、結果が伴わない」と批判したのは、無理もない。
The responsibility of the science and technology ministry, which failed to improve this situation, is also extremely grave.
事態を改善できなかった文科省の責任も極めて重い。
In its Strategic Energy Plan approved by the Cabinet in April last year, the government heralded once again the promotion of the nuclear fuel cycle. The government judged that changing the policy of promoting the nuclear fuel cycle would make it difficult for the nation to make effective use of a nuclear power generation in the future.
政府は、昨年４月に閣議決定したエネルギー基本計画で、核燃料サイクルの推進を改めて掲げた。政策を変更すれば、将来にわたる原子力発電の有効活用が困難になると判断したためだ。
Meanwhile, the government considers Monju as a nuclear reactor essential to test such capabilities as efficiently reprocessing radioactive waste.
もんじゅについては、放射性廃棄物を効率良く燃やす性能などを試験するために不可欠な原子炉と位置付けている。
The latest development may create a hole in the Strategic Energy Plan. Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said at a press conference Wednesday, “The science and technology ministry should solve the issue promptly.” But measures to rebuild the system for the nuclear fuel cycle project should be discussed from a broad perspective by the government as a whole.
今回の事態は、基本計画に綻びを生じさせかねない。菅官房長官は記者会見で、「文科省が速やかに解決すべきだ」と述べたが、政府として、立て直しに向けた打開策を幅広く検討すべきだ。
Many of the engineers who were in active service when Monju was constructed have already retired. The present plight shows the importance of maintaining and passing on technical knowledge. The NRA has also presented a viewpoint that a “deterioration in technical expertise” has made the matter more serious.
もんじゅ建設時の技術陣の多くは既に退職している。現在の苦境は、技術を維持・継承していくことの重要性を物語る。規制委も「技術の劣化」が、事態を深刻化させているとの見解を示した。
Measures to foster human resources engaged in nuclear power also need reinforcing.
原子力に携わる人材の育成策も強化せねばなるまい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 5, 2015)
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Stand together to secure freedom of navigation in South China Sea
南シナ海情勢 「航行の自由」確保へ結束せよ
Concerned countries should jointly call on China, which has been using force to unilaterally change the status quo in the South China Sea, to exercise self-restraint.
南シナ海で力による現状変更を一方的に進める中国に対し、関係国が連携して自制を求めることが大切である。
U.S. Defense Secretary Ashton Carter held talks with his Chinese counterpart Chang Wanquan in Malaysia on the sidelines of a meeting of defense ministers from member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other concerned countries.
マレーシアで開かれた拡大東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）国防相会議に合わせて、カーター米国防長官が、中国の常万全国防相と会談した。
Carter referred to a U.S. military vessel that sailed within 12 nautical miles of at least one of the artificial islands made by China in the South China Sea, and told Chang that the U.S. military would continue similar operations in the future.
南シナ海に中国が造成した人工島の１２カイリ内を米軍艦艇が航行したことに関連し、今後も同様の活動を継続する方針を伝えた。
The United States is behaving legitimately in using concrete actions to demonstrate the “freedom of navigation” based on international law.
米国が国際法に基づく「航行の自由」を実際の行動で具体的に示すことには、正当性がある。
Carter also demanded that China discontinue its reclamation and militarization of the disputed reefs for good. Chang opposed him, saying issues of the South China Sea are related to his country’s core interests. But, any action by China that undermines “freedom of navigation” for its “core interests” cannot be tolerated.
カーター氏は「埋め立てと軍事拠点化の永続的中止」も求めた。常氏は「南シナ海問題は中国の核心的利益に関わる」と反発した。
「核心的利益」を理由に、「航行の自由」を蔑ないがしろにするような行為は容認できない。
It is regrettable that the forum of defense ministers failed to adopt a joint statement.
残念なのは、国防相会議で共同宣言の採択が見送られたことだ。
Malaysia, which chaired the forum, stopped at simply announcing a statement emphasizing the significance of adopting as soon as possible a code of conduct that would legally bind the conduct of concerned countries.
議長国のマレーシアは、各国の行動を法的に拘束する行動規範の早期策定の重要性を強調する声明を公表するにとどめた。
China’s Defense Ministry blamed the United States for failure to adopt a joint statement, saying certain countries outside the region forcibly tried to include content unrelated to the discussions, but this is unreasonable.
共同宣言見送りに関して、中国国防省が「域外国が議論と関係ない内容を強引に入れようとたくらんだためだ」などと米国を非難したのは、筋違いだ。
Varying links with China
Degrees of closeness with China are different among ASEAN countries. Not a few of them support “freedom of navigation” but consider their economic ties with China important and do not want to cause any trouble with Beijing.
ＡＳＥＡＮ各国の間では、中国との親密さに濃淡がある。「航行の自由」には賛成でも、経済関係を重視し、中国との間に波風を立てたくない国が少なくない。
“Japan supports actions by the U.S. military in order to protect the order of free and open seas,” Defense Minister Gen Nakatani said during his talks with Carter. Stability in the South China Sea is also significant to secure the safety of sea-lanes for Japan.
中谷防衛相はカーター氏との会談で、「自由で開かれた海の秩序を守る観点から米軍の行動を支持する」と語った。南シナ海の安定は、日本の海上交通路（シーレーン）の安全確保にも重要だ。
Japan and the United States must further encourage concerned countries to take actions for freedom of navigation in the South China Sea ahead of the summit meeting of leaders from ASEAN members and other concerned countries to be held later this month.
今月後半のＡＳＥＡＮ関連首脳会議に向け、日米は各国への働きかけを強めねばなるまい。
Meanwhile, the United States maintains dialogues and the exchange of military personnel with China. Adm. Harry Harris, commander of the U.S. Pacific Command, visited Beijing recently and held talks with Fan Changlong, vice-chairman of China’s Central Military Commission and the most senior uniformed officer of the Chinese military.
一方で、米国は中国との対話や軍事交流を維持する。米太平洋軍のハリス司令官が訪中し、中国軍制服組トップの范長竜・中央軍事委員会副主席と会談した。
It is an urgent task for U.S. and Chinese forces to set up a hotline to avoid unforeseen accidents and clashes between their vessels and planes.
艦艇や航空機の不測の事故や衝突を避けるため、軍同士の連絡体制を確保することが急務だ。
The Hague-based Permanent Court of Arbitration late last month decided to hear territorial claims the Philippines had filed against Beijing that China’s artificial islands, which are built on reefs that go underwater at high tide, are not entitled to recognition as base points for claiming territorial waters.
中国の人工島については、ハーグの常設仲裁裁判所が先月下旬、「満潮時に海に沈む暗礁であり、領海の基点にはならない」とするフィリピンの訴えに関して、審理の開始を決定した。
This is an appropriate judgment because it means the tribunal rejected China’s claim that the court has no jurisdiction over disputes about territorial sovereignty.
「領土主権は裁判所に管轄権はない」との中国の主張を退けたもので、適切な判断だ。
China should sincerely participate in the trial to act in concert with the international community.
中国は誠実に裁判に応じ、国際社会と協調すべきである。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 5, 2015)Speech
Stand together to secure freedom of navigation in South China Sea
南シナ海情勢 「航行の自由」確保へ結束せよ
Concerned countries should jointly call on China, which has been using force to unilaterally change the status quo in the South China Sea, to exercise self-restraint.
南シナ海で力による現状変更を一方的に進める中国に対し、関係国が連携して自制を求めることが大切である。
U.S. Defense Secretary Ashton Carter held talks with his Chinese counterpart Chang Wanquan in Malaysia on the sidelines of a meeting of defense ministers from member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other concerned countries.
マレーシアで開かれた拡大東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）国防相会議に合わせて、カーター米国防長官が、中国の常万全国防相と会談した。
Carter referred to a U.S. military vessel that sailed within 12 nautical miles of at least one of the artificial islands made by China in the South China Sea, and told Chang that the U.S. military would continue similar operations in the future.
南シナ海に中国が造成した人工島の１２カイリ内を米軍艦艇が航行したことに関連し、今後も同様の活動を継続する方針を伝えた。
The United States is behaving legitimately in using concrete actions to demonstrate the “freedom of navigation” based on international law.
米国が国際法に基づく「航行の自由」を実際の行動で具体的に示すことには、正当性がある。
Carter also demanded that China discontinue its reclamation and militarization of the disputed reefs for good. Chang opposed him, saying issues of the South China Sea are related to his country’s core interests. But, any action by China that undermines “freedom of navigation” for its “core interests” cannot be tolerated.
カーター氏は「埋め立てと軍事拠点化の永続的中止」も求めた。常氏は「南シナ海問題は中国の核心的利益に関わる」と反発した。
「核心的利益」を理由に、「航行の自由」を蔑ないがしろにするような行為は容認できない。
It is regrettable that the forum of defense ministers failed to adopt a joint statement.
残念なのは、国防相会議で共同宣言の採択が見送られたことだ。
Malaysia, which chaired the forum, stopped at simply announcing a statement emphasizing the significance of adopting as soon as possible a code of conduct that would legally bind the conduct of concerned countries.
議長国のマレーシアは、各国の行動を法的に拘束する行動規範の早期策定の重要性を強調する声明を公表するにとどめた。
China’s Defense Ministry blamed the United States for failure to adopt a joint statement, saying certain countries outside the region forcibly tried to include content unrelated to the discussions, but this is unreasonable.
共同宣言見送りに関して、中国国防省が「域外国が議論と関係ない内容を強引に入れようとたくらんだためだ」などと米国を非難したのは、筋違いだ。
Varying links with China
Degrees of closeness with China are different among ASEAN countries. Not a few of them support “freedom of navigation” but consider their economic ties with China important and do not want to cause any trouble with Beijing.
ＡＳＥＡＮ各国の間では、中国との親密さに濃淡がある。「航行の自由」には賛成でも、経済関係を重視し、中国との間に波風を立てたくない国が少なくない。
“Japan supports actions by the U.S. military in order to protect the order of free and open seas,” Defense Minister Gen Nakatani said during his talks with Carter. Stability in the South China Sea is also significant to secure the safety of sea-lanes for Japan.
中谷防衛相はカーター氏との会談で、「自由で開かれた海の秩序を守る観点から米軍の行動を支持する」と語った。南シナ海の安定は、日本の海上交通路（シーレーン）の安全確保にも重要だ。
Japan and the United States must further encourage concerned countries to take actions for freedom of navigation in the South China Sea ahead of the summit meeting of leaders from ASEAN members and other concerned countries to be held later this month.
今月後半のＡＳＥＡＮ関連首脳会議に向け、日米は各国への働きかけを強めねばなるまい。
Meanwhile, the United States maintains dialogues and the exchange of military personnel with China. Adm. Harry Harris, commander of the U.S. Pacific Command, visited Beijing recently and held talks with Fan Changlong, vice-chairman of China’s Central Military Commission and the most senior uniformed officer of the Chinese military.
一方で、米国は中国との対話や軍事交流を維持する。米太平洋軍のハリス司令官が訪中し、中国軍制服組トップの范長竜・中央軍事委員会副主席と会談した。
It is an urgent task for U.S. and Chinese forces to set up a hotline to avoid unforeseen accidents and clashes between their vessels and planes.
艦艇や航空機の不測の事故や衝突を避けるため、軍同士の連絡体制を確保することが急務だ。
The Hague-based Permanent Court of Arbitration late last month decided to hear territorial claims the Philippines had filed against Beijing that China’s artificial islands, which are built on reefs that go underwater at high tide, are not entitled to recognition as base points for claiming territorial waters.
中国の人工島については、ハーグの常設仲裁裁判所が先月下旬、「満潮時に海に沈む暗礁であり、領海の基点にはならない」とするフィリピンの訴えに関して、審理の開始を決定した。
This is an appropriate judgment because it means the tribunal rejected China’s claim that the court has no jurisdiction over disputes about territorial sovereignty.
「領土主権は裁判所に管轄権はない」との中国の主張を退けたもので、適切な判断だ。
China should sincerely participate in the trial to act in concert with the international community.
中国は誠実に裁判に応じ、国際社会と協調すべきである。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 5, 2015)Speech
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Stability in Turkey necessary for united front against ISIL
トルコ総選挙 対「イスラム国」で結束を急げ
Turkey plays an important role in key international issues such as the fight against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) extremist group as well as the refugee crisis. It is essential that the nation’s political situation should stabilize.
トルコは、過激派組織「イスラム国」との戦いや難民問題の対応で重要な役割を担う。政情の安定化が欠かせない。
The ruling Justice and Development Party, a moderate Islamic party known as AKP, won Sunday’s snap election, securing a single-party majority in the parliament. In June, the AKP fell short of securing a majority in the general election, and the party also failed to form a coalition. Following the deadlock, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan declared another election.
トルコ総選挙で、イスラム穏健派の与党、公正発展党が勝利し、単独過半数を獲得した。６月の総選挙では過半数に達せず、連立政権作りに失敗したことから、再選挙となっていた。
The political confusion has caused foreign capital to flee the country, which resulted in the depreciation of the nation’s currency. In early October, about 100 people were killed in Ankara by suicide bombings believed to be conducted by ISIL. We believe that the outcome of the recent election shows the majority of the people’s desire for a stable government, reflecting their concern about the nation’s future.
内政の混乱を受けて外国資本が逃避し、通貨安を招いている。首都アンカラでは１０月上旬、「イスラム国」の犯行とみられる爆弾テロが起き、約１００人が死亡した。懸念を抱く多数の国民が安定政権の発足を求めたのだろう。
As battles between the government troops and Kurdish militants continue, the pro-Kurdish People’s Democratic Party has lost a significant number of its seats in the election. Kurds make up about 15 percent of the nation’s population, and voices demanding more autonomy are prevalent among them.
政府軍とクルド人武装組織の戦闘が続く中、クルド系政党は議席を大きく減らした。クルド系住民は国内人口の約１５％を占め、自治権拡大を要求する声が強い。
The conflict between citizens of Turkish and Kurdish ethnicity has spilled over to Japan, resulting in a scuffle in front of the Turkish Embassy in Tokyo in late October.
トルコ系とクルド系の対立は日本に飛び火し、１０月下旬には、トルコ大使館前で乱闘があった。
We hope friction between different ethnic groups will not hamper efforts to tackle issues such as the prolonged civil war in neighboring Syria, as well as terrorist threats. It is apparent that Erdogan must work for national reconciliation.
民族間のあつれきが増すことで、隣国シリアの長引く内戦やテロへの対処がおろそかになるのは望ましくない。エルドアン大統領には、国民融和に向けた取り組みが必要となろう。
Dark side of Erdogan
Erdogan led the nation to rapid economic growth after taking office as prime minister in 2003. He assumed his current role last year by winning the nation’s first direct presidential election. The president is now seeking constitutional amendments that would give more power to the president.
２００３年から首相を務めたエルドアン氏は高成長を主導し、初の直接選挙となった昨年の大統領選で当選した。大統領権限を強める憲法改正を目指している。
There is persistent criticism against his high-handed political attitude, such as police raiding offices of an opposition media group during the election campaign period and an interruption of a TV broadcast. It is obvious that the election victory does not mean that the public has approved such interference with the media.
選挙期間中の反政府系メディアへの警官隊突入やテレビ局の放送中断など、強権的姿勢に対する批判も根強い。選挙に勝利したからといって、報道への介入まで容認されたことにはなるまい。
The Erdogan administration has prioritized its efforts on toppling the regime of Syria’s Bashar Assad. In contrast, efforts against ISIL have been lagging behind, as airstrikes against ISIL and joint military operations with the United States have just begun this summer.
エルドアン政権はこれまで、シリアのアサド政権打倒を優先してきた。「イスラム国」空爆や米国との作戦協力は今夏に始めたばかりで、後手に回っていた。
It is likely that Ankara will continue its military operations against Kurdish militants, a move that will only benefit ISIL. We believe it is worth considering the resumption of a ceasefire with the militants, which was suspended in July.
今後も、トルコはクルド人武装組織に対する攻撃を続けるとみられる。だが、これでは、「イスラム国」を利するだけだろう。今年７月に中断した武装組織との停戦を改めて実施することも模索すべきではないか。
Many foreign fighters of ISIL have entered Syria via Turkey. In contrast, about 2 million Syrian refugees have crossed the border to Turkey, with some of them heading for Europe. It is urgent for Turkey to thoroughly manage its border with Syria, which stretches for about 900 kilometers.
「イスラム国」の外国人戦闘員の多くはトルコ経由でシリアに越境している。逆に、約２００万のシリア難民がトルコに入り、一部は欧州に向かう。約９００キロに及ぶ国境の管理徹底は急務だ。
Historically, Japan has deep ties with Turkey. In October, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Erdogan confirmed they will reinforce cooperation between the two countries at a summit meeting. In mid-November, a Group of 20 summit meeting will be held in Turkey. We urge Japan, the United States and European nations to proactively support the country in measures to deal with terrorism and the refugee crisis.
日本はトルコと歴史的に関係が深い。安倍首相は１０月の首脳会談で連携強化を確認した。今月中旬にはトルコで主要２０か国・地域（Ｇ２０）首脳会議が開かれる。日本と米欧はテロ対策や難民問題で積極的に支援したい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 4, 2015)
Stability in Turkey necessary for united front against ISIL
トルコ総選挙 対「イスラム国」で結束を急げ
Turkey plays an important role in key international issues such as the fight against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) extremist group as well as the refugee crisis. It is essential that the nation’s political situation should stabilize.
トルコは、過激派組織「イスラム国」との戦いや難民問題の対応で重要な役割を担う。政情の安定化が欠かせない。
The ruling Justice and Development Party, a moderate Islamic party known as AKP, won Sunday’s snap election, securing a single-party majority in the parliament. In June, the AKP fell short of securing a majority in the general election, and the party also failed to form a coalition. Following the deadlock, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan declared another election.
トルコ総選挙で、イスラム穏健派の与党、公正発展党が勝利し、単独過半数を獲得した。６月の総選挙では過半数に達せず、連立政権作りに失敗したことから、再選挙となっていた。
The political confusion has caused foreign capital to flee the country, which resulted in the depreciation of the nation’s currency. In early October, about 100 people were killed in Ankara by suicide bombings believed to be conducted by ISIL. We believe that the outcome of the recent election shows the majority of the people’s desire for a stable government, reflecting their concern about the nation’s future.
内政の混乱を受けて外国資本が逃避し、通貨安を招いている。首都アンカラでは１０月上旬、「イスラム国」の犯行とみられる爆弾テロが起き、約１００人が死亡した。懸念を抱く多数の国民が安定政権の発足を求めたのだろう。
As battles between the government troops and Kurdish militants continue, the pro-Kurdish People’s Democratic Party has lost a significant number of its seats in the election. Kurds make up about 15 percent of the nation’s population, and voices demanding more autonomy are prevalent among them.
政府軍とクルド人武装組織の戦闘が続く中、クルド系政党は議席を大きく減らした。クルド系住民は国内人口の約１５％を占め、自治権拡大を要求する声が強い。
The conflict between citizens of Turkish and Kurdish ethnicity has spilled over to Japan, resulting in a scuffle in front of the Turkish Embassy in Tokyo in late October.
トルコ系とクルド系の対立は日本に飛び火し、１０月下旬には、トルコ大使館前で乱闘があった。
We hope friction between different ethnic groups will not hamper efforts to tackle issues such as the prolonged civil war in neighboring Syria, as well as terrorist threats. It is apparent that Erdogan must work for national reconciliation.
民族間のあつれきが増すことで、隣国シリアの長引く内戦やテロへの対処がおろそかになるのは望ましくない。エルドアン大統領には、国民融和に向けた取り組みが必要となろう。
Dark side of Erdogan
Erdogan led the nation to rapid economic growth after taking office as prime minister in 2003. He assumed his current role last year by winning the nation’s first direct presidential election. The president is now seeking constitutional amendments that would give more power to the president.
２００３年から首相を務めたエルドアン氏は高成長を主導し、初の直接選挙となった昨年の大統領選で当選した。大統領権限を強める憲法改正を目指している。
There is persistent criticism against his high-handed political attitude, such as police raiding offices of an opposition media group during the election campaign period and an interruption of a TV broadcast. It is obvious that the election victory does not mean that the public has approved such interference with the media.
選挙期間中の反政府系メディアへの警官隊突入やテレビ局の放送中断など、強権的姿勢に対する批判も根強い。選挙に勝利したからといって、報道への介入まで容認されたことにはなるまい。
The Erdogan administration has prioritized its efforts on toppling the regime of Syria’s Bashar Assad. In contrast, efforts against ISIL have been lagging behind, as airstrikes against ISIL and joint military operations with the United States have just begun this summer.
エルドアン政権はこれまで、シリアのアサド政権打倒を優先してきた。「イスラム国」空爆や米国との作戦協力は今夏に始めたばかりで、後手に回っていた。
It is likely that Ankara will continue its military operations against Kurdish militants, a move that will only benefit ISIL. We believe it is worth considering the resumption of a ceasefire with the militants, which was suspended in July.
今後も、トルコはクルド人武装組織に対する攻撃を続けるとみられる。だが、これでは、「イスラム国」を利するだけだろう。今年７月に中断した武装組織との停戦を改めて実施することも模索すべきではないか。
Many foreign fighters of ISIL have entered Syria via Turkey. In contrast, about 2 million Syrian refugees have crossed the border to Turkey, with some of them heading for Europe. It is urgent for Turkey to thoroughly manage its border with Syria, which stretches for about 900 kilometers.
「イスラム国」の外国人戦闘員の多くはトルコ経由でシリアに越境している。逆に、約２００万のシリア難民がトルコに入り、一部は欧州に向かう。約９００キロに及ぶ国境の管理徹底は急務だ。
Historically, Japan has deep ties with Turkey. In October, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Erdogan confirmed they will reinforce cooperation between the two countries at a summit meeting. In mid-November, a Group of 20 summit meeting will be held in Turkey. We urge Japan, the United States and European nations to proactively support the country in measures to deal with terrorism and the refugee crisis.
日本はトルコと歴史的に関係が深い。安倍首相は１０月の首脳会談で連携強化を確認した。今月中旬にはトルコで主要２０か国・地域（Ｇ２０）首脳会議が開かれる。日本と米欧はテロ対策や難民問題で積極的に支援したい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 4, 2015)
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Japan, ROK face hard task forging future-oriented ties
日韓首脳会談 「未来志向」への道のりは遠い
◆慰安婦問題を将来世代に残すな◆
Will the meeting between the top leaders of Japan and South Korea break the stalemate in the confrontation over issues of historical perception and territory, thereby leading to the restructuring the bilateral relationship into a future-oriented one?
歴史認識や領土問題を巡る対立状況を打開し、「未来志向」の日韓関係を再構築する契機となるのだろうか。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe met with South Korean President Park Geun-hye in Seoul for the first summit talks between the two countries in about 3½ years. They agreed to bolster bilateral cooperation in various fields, including security, economy and personnel exchange.
安倍首相がソウルで韓国の朴槿恵大統領と初めて会談した。安全保障、経済、人的交流など様々な分野で日韓協力を強化することで一致した。
South Korea is primarily to blame for the stagnation of bilateral relations.
The deterioration was triggered by then South Korean President Lee Myung Bak’s visit to the Takeshima islands in August 2012 and his demand for an apology by the Emperor (over Japan’s past rule of the Korean Peninsula). This was accelerated by Park’s continued insistence that a solution to the so-called comfort women issue should be a prerequisite to the holding of summit talks.
日韓首脳会談の開催は、約３年半ぶりだ。両国関係の停滞の主たる原因は韓国側にある。
きっかけは、２０１２年８月の李明博大統領の竹島訪問と天皇陛下への謝罪要求だ。朴氏が、首脳会談を開催する前提条件に慰安婦問題の解決を掲げ続けたことが、それに拍車をかけた。
Dislike for S. Koreans
◆朴氏に煽られた「嫌韓」
Park’s bad-mouthing diplomacy, in which she criticized Japan when she met dignitaries of other countries, and her obstinate anti-Japan stance evoked a dislike for South Koreans among Japanese.
他国要人の前で日本を批判する朴氏の「告げ口外交」や、頑かたくなな反日姿勢も、日本国民の「嫌韓」感情を煽あおる悪循環を招いた。
The real purpose of diplomacy is not to adversely affect an entire bilateral relationship from a comprehensive perspective, even if there are difficult-to-resolve issues pending between the two countries.
解決が困難な懸案を抱えていても、大局的見地に立ち、２国間関係全体に悪影響を与えないようにするのが本来の外交の役割だ。
Despite the existence of deep rifts over perceptions of history and other matters, Tokyo and Seoul need to work together toward building a constructive relationship of cooperation.
歴史認識などで深い溝があっても、建設的な協力関係を築くため、日韓双方が努力する必要がある。
During the summit meeting, Abe and Park agreed to expedite talks on the comfort women issue with a view to resolving it as soon as possible, considering that this year marks the 50th anniversary of the normalization of bilateral ties. But it remains to be seen how the issue will be settled in concrete terms and when.
慰安婦問題について、首脳会談では、今年が国交正常化５０周年の節目であることを念頭に、できるだけ早期の妥結を目指し、協議を加速することで一致した。だが、その妥結内容や時期は全く見通せない。
Park reportedly said, “The matter must be resolved promptly in a way that can be accepted by the victims and at a level satisfactory to the people.” If she demands compensation for former comfort women, what will be the legal basis? Furthermore, she leaves it up to the judgment of the former comfort women and others to solve the issue. Isn’t this an irresponsible stance?
朴氏は「被害者が受け入れ、国民が納得できる水準で、速やかに解決されねばならない」と語った。元慰安婦への補償を求めているなら、何が法的根拠なのか。しかも、解決の判断を元慰安婦らに委ねる姿勢は無責任ではないか。
In response, Abe said, “We should not leave obstacles [to the solution] for future generations.” This is in tune with his statement marking the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II, in which he emphasized, “we must not let our children ... even future generations be predestined to apologize.”
安倍首相は、「将来世代に障害を残すことがあってはならない」と指摘した。戦後７０年談話で、次世代に「謝罪を続ける宿命を背負わせてはならない」と強調したのと軌を一にするものだ。
Discussions on concrete details will be held at the foreign ministry director general-level. It will be no easy task for them to compromise because of public opinion in the two countries.
具体的な議論は、外務省の局長協議で行われるが、日韓双方の世論を背負って、妥協点を見いだすのは容易ではあるまい。
More compensation?
◆女性基金をどう見るか
As for the issue of compensation for comfort women, it is clearly mentioned in the 1965 Agreement on the Settlement of Problems Concerning Property and Claims and Economic Cooperation between Japan and the Republic of Korea that the issue was legally settled “completely and finally.” Moreover, Japan has established the Asian Women’s Fund through which atonement money was provided for 61 former South Korean comfort women, accompanied by a letter of apology from the prime minister.
請求権問題は、１９６５年の日韓請求権・経済協力協定で「完全かつ最終的に解決された」と明記されている。さらに日本は、アジア女性基金を設立し、首相のお詫わびの手紙とともに「償い金」を韓国の元慰安婦６１人に支給した。
In South Korea, however, an organization supporting former comfort women opposed the receipt of atonement money, leaving behind unpleasant feelings. How does Park assess such a development?
だが、韓国では元慰安婦の支援団体が受け取りに反対し、後味の悪い結果となった。朴氏は、このことをどう評価するのか。
There is strong resistance among the people in Japan to the government implementing the additional measures sought by South Korea.
韓国側が求める追加措置には、日本世論の抵抗が強い。
Even if some measures were taken, Japan would need a South Korean guarantee that it would be the final settlement.
何らかの措置を取るにしても、それが最終決着だとの韓国の保証が要る。
If Park really wants to resolve the issue, she should make clear what South Korea would do, rather than demanding that Japan make unilateral concessions. For instance, removing the statue of a comfort woman near the Japanese Embassy in Seoul would be a good starting point.
朴氏が真剣に問題を解決したいなら、日本に一方的な譲歩を要求するのでなく、韓国が何をするかを明確にすべきだ。例えば、在ソウル日本大使館近くの慰安婦像の撤去は、その入り口となろう。
During the talks, Abe urged Seoul to lift its restrictions on imports of Japanese marine products at the earliest possible time.
安倍首相は会談で、日本産水産物に対する韓国の輸入規制を早期に解除するよう求めた。
The marine products Japan ships do not contain radioactive materials in excess of safety standards. The credibility of Japanese safety inspections was later endorsed by inspections made by South Korea. Therefore, the assertion made by Seoul that “import restrictions have been imposed in consideration of the safety of the people” lacks scientific grounds.
日本の出荷は、放射性物質が基準値以下の水産物に限られ、韓国側の調査でも裏付けられた。韓国の「国民の安全を考慮した措置」との主張は科学的根拠を欠く。
South Korea should withdraw its import restrictions on Japanese marine products without waiting for a conclusion to be reached by a dispute settlement panel set up within the World Trade Organization.
韓国は、世界貿易機関の紛争処理小委員会の結論を待たず、輸入規制を撤廃すべきだ。
With regard to the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade accord, Park said she would expect Japan to cooperate should her country decide to join. Abe responded by saying that Japan would carefully monitor Seoul’s discussions about participating in the TPP.
環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）については、朴氏が、韓国が参加を決めた場合は、日本の協力に期待すると表明した。首相は、韓国の参加の検討結果を見守りたいとの考えを示した。
During the trilateral summit meeting of Japan, China and South Korea held on Sunday, the three countries agreed to accelerate negotiations for a trilateral free trade agreement. There is no doubt that the broad agreement reached in the TPP negotiations among the members last month has prompted both China and South Korea, which have yet to join the TPP, to review their trade strategies.
前日の日中韓首脳会談でも、自由貿易協定（ＦＴＡ）交渉の加速で一致している。１０月のＴＰＰ交渉の大筋合意が、未参加の中韓両国に通商戦略の見直しを迫っているのは間違いあるまい。
S. China Sea problems
◆南シナ海で連携したい
On the issue of North Korea’s nuclear development, Abe and Park confirmed a policy of cooperating closely among Japan, the United States and South Korea with the aim of inducing Pyongyang to move toward denuclearization.
北朝鮮の核開発問題について、日韓両首脳は、非核化に向けた行動を引き出すため、日米韓が緊密に連携する方針を確認した。
They also agreed that the two countries would cooperate on the issue of Japanese nationals abducted by North Korea.
日本人拉致問題に関して日韓が協力することでも一致した。
Meanwhile, Abe brought up the issue of China’s reef reclamation and militarization of artificial islands in the South China Sea, saying it was “a matter of concern commonly held by the international community.” He also said Japan wants to cooperate with South Korea and the United States to protect an open, free and peaceful sea.
首相は、南シナ海での中国による岩礁埋め立てと軍事拠点化について「国際社会共通の懸念事項だ」と問題提起した。「開かれた自由で平和な海を守るため、韓国や米国と連携したい」とも述べた。
Park has been moving ever closer to China not only in the sphere of the economy but also in national security, as seen by her attendance at a military parade held in China in September. The United States also does not hide its distrust of Park’s actions.
朴氏は、９月の中国の軍事パレードに出席するなど、経済面だけでなく安全保障面でも中国への傾斜を強めている。この動きには、米国も不信感を隠さない。
To prevent China from changing the status quo with its use of force, it is essential to reinforce security cooperation among Japan, the United States and South Korea. It is important for Tokyo and Washington to strongly counsel Seoul to avoid getting too close to China.
中国の力による現状変更を許さないためには、日米韓の安保協力の強化が欠かせない。日米両国は、韓国の対中傾斜の是正を粘り強く促すことが大切だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 3, 2015)
Japan, ROK face hard task forging future-oriented ties
日韓首脳会談 「未来志向」への道のりは遠い
◆慰安婦問題を将来世代に残すな◆
Will the meeting between the top leaders of Japan and South Korea break the stalemate in the confrontation over issues of historical perception and territory, thereby leading to the restructuring the bilateral relationship into a future-oriented one?
歴史認識や領土問題を巡る対立状況を打開し、「未来志向」の日韓関係を再構築する契機となるのだろうか。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe met with South Korean President Park Geun-hye in Seoul for the first summit talks between the two countries in about 3½ years. They agreed to bolster bilateral cooperation in various fields, including security, economy and personnel exchange.
安倍首相がソウルで韓国の朴槿恵大統領と初めて会談した。安全保障、経済、人的交流など様々な分野で日韓協力を強化することで一致した。
South Korea is primarily to blame for the stagnation of bilateral relations.
The deterioration was triggered by then South Korean President Lee Myung Bak’s visit to the Takeshima islands in August 2012 and his demand for an apology by the Emperor (over Japan’s past rule of the Korean Peninsula). This was accelerated by Park’s continued insistence that a solution to the so-called comfort women issue should be a prerequisite to the holding of summit talks.
日韓首脳会談の開催は、約３年半ぶりだ。両国関係の停滞の主たる原因は韓国側にある。
きっかけは、２０１２年８月の李明博大統領の竹島訪問と天皇陛下への謝罪要求だ。朴氏が、首脳会談を開催する前提条件に慰安婦問題の解決を掲げ続けたことが、それに拍車をかけた。
Dislike for S. Koreans
◆朴氏に煽られた「嫌韓」
Park’s bad-mouthing diplomacy, in which she criticized Japan when she met dignitaries of other countries, and her obstinate anti-Japan stance evoked a dislike for South Koreans among Japanese.
他国要人の前で日本を批判する朴氏の「告げ口外交」や、頑かたくなな反日姿勢も、日本国民の「嫌韓」感情を煽あおる悪循環を招いた。
The real purpose of diplomacy is not to adversely affect an entire bilateral relationship from a comprehensive perspective, even if there are difficult-to-resolve issues pending between the two countries.
解決が困難な懸案を抱えていても、大局的見地に立ち、２国間関係全体に悪影響を与えないようにするのが本来の外交の役割だ。
Despite the existence of deep rifts over perceptions of history and other matters, Tokyo and Seoul need to work together toward building a constructive relationship of cooperation.
歴史認識などで深い溝があっても、建設的な協力関係を築くため、日韓双方が努力する必要がある。
During the summit meeting, Abe and Park agreed to expedite talks on the comfort women issue with a view to resolving it as soon as possible, considering that this year marks the 50th anniversary of the normalization of bilateral ties. But it remains to be seen how the issue will be settled in concrete terms and when.
慰安婦問題について、首脳会談では、今年が国交正常化５０周年の節目であることを念頭に、できるだけ早期の妥結を目指し、協議を加速することで一致した。だが、その妥結内容や時期は全く見通せない。
Park reportedly said, “The matter must be resolved promptly in a way that can be accepted by the victims and at a level satisfactory to the people.” If she demands compensation for former comfort women, what will be the legal basis? Furthermore, she leaves it up to the judgment of the former comfort women and others to solve the issue. Isn’t this an irresponsible stance?
朴氏は「被害者が受け入れ、国民が納得できる水準で、速やかに解決されねばならない」と語った。元慰安婦への補償を求めているなら、何が法的根拠なのか。しかも、解決の判断を元慰安婦らに委ねる姿勢は無責任ではないか。
In response, Abe said, “We should not leave obstacles [to the solution] for future generations.” This is in tune with his statement marking the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II, in which he emphasized, “we must not let our children ... even future generations be predestined to apologize.”
安倍首相は、「将来世代に障害を残すことがあってはならない」と指摘した。戦後７０年談話で、次世代に「謝罪を続ける宿命を背負わせてはならない」と強調したのと軌を一にするものだ。
Discussions on concrete details will be held at the foreign ministry director general-level. It will be no easy task for them to compromise because of public opinion in the two countries.
具体的な議論は、外務省の局長協議で行われるが、日韓双方の世論を背負って、妥協点を見いだすのは容易ではあるまい。
More compensation?
◆女性基金をどう見るか
As for the issue of compensation for comfort women, it is clearly mentioned in the 1965 Agreement on the Settlement of Problems Concerning Property and Claims and Economic Cooperation between Japan and the Republic of Korea that the issue was legally settled “completely and finally.” Moreover, Japan has established the Asian Women’s Fund through which atonement money was provided for 61 former South Korean comfort women, accompanied by a letter of apology from the prime minister.
請求権問題は、１９６５年の日韓請求権・経済協力協定で「完全かつ最終的に解決された」と明記されている。さらに日本は、アジア女性基金を設立し、首相のお詫わびの手紙とともに「償い金」を韓国の元慰安婦６１人に支給した。
In South Korea, however, an organization supporting former comfort women opposed the receipt of atonement money, leaving behind unpleasant feelings. How does Park assess such a development?
だが、韓国では元慰安婦の支援団体が受け取りに反対し、後味の悪い結果となった。朴氏は、このことをどう評価するのか。
There is strong resistance among the people in Japan to the government implementing the additional measures sought by South Korea.
韓国側が求める追加措置には、日本世論の抵抗が強い。
Even if some measures were taken, Japan would need a South Korean guarantee that it would be the final settlement.
何らかの措置を取るにしても、それが最終決着だとの韓国の保証が要る。
If Park really wants to resolve the issue, she should make clear what South Korea would do, rather than demanding that Japan make unilateral concessions. For instance, removing the statue of a comfort woman near the Japanese Embassy in Seoul would be a good starting point.
朴氏が真剣に問題を解決したいなら、日本に一方的な譲歩を要求するのでなく、韓国が何をするかを明確にすべきだ。例えば、在ソウル日本大使館近くの慰安婦像の撤去は、その入り口となろう。
During the talks, Abe urged Seoul to lift its restrictions on imports of Japanese marine products at the earliest possible time.
安倍首相は会談で、日本産水産物に対する韓国の輸入規制を早期に解除するよう求めた。
The marine products Japan ships do not contain radioactive materials in excess of safety standards. The credibility of Japanese safety inspections was later endorsed by inspections made by South Korea. Therefore, the assertion made by Seoul that “import restrictions have been imposed in consideration of the safety of the people” lacks scientific grounds.
日本の出荷は、放射性物質が基準値以下の水産物に限られ、韓国側の調査でも裏付けられた。韓国の「国民の安全を考慮した措置」との主張は科学的根拠を欠く。
South Korea should withdraw its import restrictions on Japanese marine products without waiting for a conclusion to be reached by a dispute settlement panel set up within the World Trade Organization.
韓国は、世界貿易機関の紛争処理小委員会の結論を待たず、輸入規制を撤廃すべきだ。
With regard to the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade accord, Park said she would expect Japan to cooperate should her country decide to join. Abe responded by saying that Japan would carefully monitor Seoul’s discussions about participating in the TPP.
環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）については、朴氏が、韓国が参加を決めた場合は、日本の協力に期待すると表明した。首相は、韓国の参加の検討結果を見守りたいとの考えを示した。
During the trilateral summit meeting of Japan, China and South Korea held on Sunday, the three countries agreed to accelerate negotiations for a trilateral free trade agreement. There is no doubt that the broad agreement reached in the TPP negotiations among the members last month has prompted both China and South Korea, which have yet to join the TPP, to review their trade strategies.
前日の日中韓首脳会談でも、自由貿易協定（ＦＴＡ）交渉の加速で一致している。１０月のＴＰＰ交渉の大筋合意が、未参加の中韓両国に通商戦略の見直しを迫っているのは間違いあるまい。
S. China Sea problems
◆南シナ海で連携したい
On the issue of North Korea’s nuclear development, Abe and Park confirmed a policy of cooperating closely among Japan, the United States and South Korea with the aim of inducing Pyongyang to move toward denuclearization.
北朝鮮の核開発問題について、日韓両首脳は、非核化に向けた行動を引き出すため、日米韓が緊密に連携する方針を確認した。
They also agreed that the two countries would cooperate on the issue of Japanese nationals abducted by North Korea.
日本人拉致問題に関して日韓が協力することでも一致した。
Meanwhile, Abe brought up the issue of China’s reef reclamation and militarization of artificial islands in the South China Sea, saying it was “a matter of concern commonly held by the international community.” He also said Japan wants to cooperate with South Korea and the United States to protect an open, free and peaceful sea.
首相は、南シナ海での中国による岩礁埋め立てと軍事拠点化について「国際社会共通の懸念事項だ」と問題提起した。「開かれた自由で平和な海を守るため、韓国や米国と連携したい」とも述べた。
Park has been moving ever closer to China not only in the sphere of the economy but also in national security, as seen by her attendance at a military parade held in China in September. The United States also does not hide its distrust of Park’s actions.
朴氏は、９月の中国の軍事パレードに出席するなど、経済面だけでなく安全保障面でも中国への傾斜を強めている。この動きには、米国も不信感を隠さない。
To prevent China from changing the status quo with its use of force, it is essential to reinforce security cooperation among Japan, the United States and South Korea. It is important for Tokyo and Washington to strongly counsel Seoul to avoid getting too close to China.
中国の力による現状変更を許さないためには、日米韓の安保協力の強化が欠かせない。日米両国は、韓国の対中傾斜の是正を粘り強く促すことが大切だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 3, 2015)
--The Asahi Shimbun, Oct. 31
EDITORIAL: China should eliminate all restrictions on childbirths
（社説）中国一人っ子 出産規制全廃すべきだ
Decisions concerning childbirth should be left to individuals exercising their free will.
出産は本来、人間の自由な営みに委ねられるべきものである。
China should discontinue its distorted policy of forcefully restricting the number of children a family can have.
政治が強制的に制限するという、いびつな施策をこれ以上続けるべきではない。
The Chinese government has decided to ease its strict “one-child” policy that limits the number of children in a family.
中国政府が、一人っ子政策と呼ばれた産児制限を緩める。
The decision is part of the Communist Party’s 13th Five-Year Plan, which sets economic policy priorities for the five years beginning in 2016. The economic plan was worked out in the recent Fifth Plenary Session of the party’s Central Committee.
今週開かれた共産党中央委員会の第５回全体会議で、来年からの経済方針である第１３次５カ年計画の概要に盛り込まれた。
In most countries, the government’s role in family planning is limited to educational and awareness campaigns at most.
多くの国では、家族計画への政府の関与はせいぜい教育・啓発活動までだ。
China’s one-child policy, which has been in place since 1979, was originally a response to concerns about food shortages. But this drastic population control policy has been internationally criticized because it has involved serious human rights violations, including forced abortions.
１９７９年以来続いた一人っ子政策は食糧不足への心配によるものとはいえ、妊娠中絶の強制など深刻な人権侵害を伴い、国際的な批判を浴びてきた。
In a 2013 move to ease the restrictions, the government allowed couples, where at least one parent was an only child, to have a second child. Beijing has now decided to allow all couples to have two children.
一昨年の緩和策では「両親いずれかが一人っ子なら２人目を認める」というものだった。今回は、例外なく２人目を認めるという。
This is a step forward, but the system of regulatory birth control will remain in place. China should scrap this system altogether.
一歩前進ではあるが、産児制限の制度は残る。全面的に撤廃するべきだ。
The government of President Xi Jinping, who has been pursuing a policy agenda focused on expansion of national power, probably decided on the policy change out of concerns about the consequences of tight population control. The Xi administration is facing the tough challenge of how to deal with serious problems caused by the country’s declining working population and the aging of society, such as slowing economic growth and a growing social security burden.
国の富強をめざす習近平（シーチンピン）政権は、労働人口の減少と高齢化がもたらす経済成長の鈍化や社会保障負担の増大にどう対応するか、という問題意識から政策変更に踏み切ったのだろう。
From this point of view, the decision has come too late.
その観点から考えても、遅きに失したと言わざるを得ない。
A country’s demographic future can be predicted with considerable accuracy.
人口は、かなりの確かさで将来を予測できる。
In China, where birthrates have fallen to extremely low levels due to the one-child policy, there have long been concerns that the effects of the aging population will start hurting the nation’s economic performance before its people become wealthy.
Due to this alarming prospect, there have been strong calls for the abolition of the controversial policy in China.
出生率が下がった中国には、経済的に豊かになる前に高齢化が進むという根本的な懸念があり、一人っ子政策の撤廃を主張する声はかねて強かった。
Why has the Chinese government been so slow to change the policy? One possible explanation is that a firmly entrenched system to regulate childbirths supported by a vast number of officials in central and local governments has led to vested interests.
なぜ遅れたのか。考えられるのは、計画出産を管理する体制が中央から地方まで膨大な人員によって築き上げられ、一種の権益化が進んだことだ。
It has been reported that fines imposed on couples who have violated the rules have been a source of revenue for local governments.
違反者に科せられる罰金が地方政府の財源になったとも伝えられる。
This is a structural problem deep-rooted in the country’s administrative and fiscal systems.
行財政のあり方全体が絡んだ構造的な問題である。
Easing the restrictions now may not produce much economic effect. In large Chinese cities, where the number of newborns has already declined as significantly as it has in Japan, the step to relax the policy in 2013 has only led to a marginal rise in births.
いまやっと制限緩和しても、経済効果はそうないかもしれない。大都市では日本同様の少子化が進み、一昨年の緩和による出生増は限定的だった。
Even if the number of babies increases significantly, it will be more than 10 years down the road before they can join the nation’s work force.
もし増えても、新たな働き手として社会に加わるのは十数年先だ。
The new Five-Year Plan also calls for promoting migration from rural areas to cities as a way to increase the working population.
新しい５カ年計画には、労働人口を増やす方策として、農村人口の都市受け入れを促すことが盛り込まれた。
This policy measure alone is related to a wide range of issues, including land problems in farming villages and the necessity to expand the social security and education systems for urban residents.
このことだけでも、農村の土地問題、社会保障や教育の受け皿など、関連する課題が多岐にわたる。
In addition to the demographic shift, China is now simultaneously facing almost all the various challenges Japan had to grapple with over the period of its fast economic growth from the late 1950s through early 1970s, including widespread environmental pollution.
こうした人口移動のほか、公害など、いわば日本の高度成長期を圧縮する形で諸問題に直面しているのが、いまの中国の姿だ。
The goal of the Xi administration’s domestic reform agenda should be to build a future where the country’s 1.3 billion people and children who will be born in the coming years can live with a sense of security.
習政権の国内改革がめざすべき目標は、１３億人とこれから生まれる子どもたちが安心して暮らせる国造りに尽きる。
EDITORIAL: China should eliminate all restrictions on childbirths
（社説）中国一人っ子 出産規制全廃すべきだ
Decisions concerning childbirth should be left to individuals exercising their free will.
出産は本来、人間の自由な営みに委ねられるべきものである。
China should discontinue its distorted policy of forcefully restricting the number of children a family can have.
政治が強制的に制限するという、いびつな施策をこれ以上続けるべきではない。
The Chinese government has decided to ease its strict “one-child” policy that limits the number of children in a family.
中国政府が、一人っ子政策と呼ばれた産児制限を緩める。
The decision is part of the Communist Party’s 13th Five-Year Plan, which sets economic policy priorities for the five years beginning in 2016. The economic plan was worked out in the recent Fifth Plenary Session of the party’s Central Committee.
今週開かれた共産党中央委員会の第５回全体会議で、来年からの経済方針である第１３次５カ年計画の概要に盛り込まれた。
In most countries, the government’s role in family planning is limited to educational and awareness campaigns at most.
多くの国では、家族計画への政府の関与はせいぜい教育・啓発活動までだ。
China’s one-child policy, which has been in place since 1979, was originally a response to concerns about food shortages. But this drastic population control policy has been internationally criticized because it has involved serious human rights violations, including forced abortions.
１９７９年以来続いた一人っ子政策は食糧不足への心配によるものとはいえ、妊娠中絶の強制など深刻な人権侵害を伴い、国際的な批判を浴びてきた。
In a 2013 move to ease the restrictions, the government allowed couples, where at least one parent was an only child, to have a second child. Beijing has now decided to allow all couples to have two children.
一昨年の緩和策では「両親いずれかが一人っ子なら２人目を認める」というものだった。今回は、例外なく２人目を認めるという。
This is a step forward, but the system of regulatory birth control will remain in place. China should scrap this system altogether.
一歩前進ではあるが、産児制限の制度は残る。全面的に撤廃するべきだ。
The government of President Xi Jinping, who has been pursuing a policy agenda focused on expansion of national power, probably decided on the policy change out of concerns about the consequences of tight population control. The Xi administration is facing the tough challenge of how to deal with serious problems caused by the country’s declining working population and the aging of society, such as slowing economic growth and a growing social security burden.
国の富強をめざす習近平（シーチンピン）政権は、労働人口の減少と高齢化がもたらす経済成長の鈍化や社会保障負担の増大にどう対応するか、という問題意識から政策変更に踏み切ったのだろう。
From this point of view, the decision has come too late.
その観点から考えても、遅きに失したと言わざるを得ない。
A country’s demographic future can be predicted with considerable accuracy.
人口は、かなりの確かさで将来を予測できる。
In China, where birthrates have fallen to extremely low levels due to the one-child policy, there have long been concerns that the effects of the aging population will start hurting the nation’s economic performance before its people become wealthy.
Due to this alarming prospect, there have been strong calls for the abolition of the controversial policy in China.
出生率が下がった中国には、経済的に豊かになる前に高齢化が進むという根本的な懸念があり、一人っ子政策の撤廃を主張する声はかねて強かった。
Why has the Chinese government been so slow to change the policy? One possible explanation is that a firmly entrenched system to regulate childbirths supported by a vast number of officials in central and local governments has led to vested interests.
なぜ遅れたのか。考えられるのは、計画出産を管理する体制が中央から地方まで膨大な人員によって築き上げられ、一種の権益化が進んだことだ。
It has been reported that fines imposed on couples who have violated the rules have been a source of revenue for local governments.
違反者に科せられる罰金が地方政府の財源になったとも伝えられる。
This is a structural problem deep-rooted in the country’s administrative and fiscal systems.
行財政のあり方全体が絡んだ構造的な問題である。
Easing the restrictions now may not produce much economic effect. In large Chinese cities, where the number of newborns has already declined as significantly as it has in Japan, the step to relax the policy in 2013 has only led to a marginal rise in births.
いまやっと制限緩和しても、経済効果はそうないかもしれない。大都市では日本同様の少子化が進み、一昨年の緩和による出生増は限定的だった。
Even if the number of babies increases significantly, it will be more than 10 years down the road before they can join the nation’s work force.
もし増えても、新たな働き手として社会に加わるのは十数年先だ。
The new Five-Year Plan also calls for promoting migration from rural areas to cities as a way to increase the working population.
新しい５カ年計画には、労働人口を増やす方策として、農村人口の都市受け入れを促すことが盛り込まれた。
This policy measure alone is related to a wide range of issues, including land problems in farming villages and the necessity to expand the social security and education systems for urban residents.
このことだけでも、農村の土地問題、社会保障や教育の受け皿など、関連する課題が多岐にわたる。
In addition to the demographic shift, China is now simultaneously facing almost all the various challenges Japan had to grapple with over the period of its fast economic growth from the late 1950s through early 1970s, including widespread environmental pollution.
こうした人口移動のほか、公害など、いわば日本の高度成長期を圧縮する形で諸問題に直面しているのが、いまの中国の姿だ。
The goal of the Xi administration’s domestic reform agenda should be to build a future where the country’s 1.3 billion people and children who will be born in the coming years can live with a sense of security.
習政権の国内改革がめざすべき目標は、１３億人とこれから生まれる子どもたちが安心して暮らせる国造りに尽きる。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Oct. 30
EDITORIAL: Japan's cherished values apparently don't apply to Okinawa
（社説）辺野古、本体工事着手 埋め立て強行は許されぬ
How long does the central government intend to continue the history of discriminatory treatment against Okinawa?
政府はいつまで、沖縄に差別的な歴史を強いるのか。
The government on Oct. 29 started the main part of land reclamation work in the Henoko district of Nago, Okinawa Prefecture, to build a new U.S. air base to replace the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Ginowan, a crowded city in the southernmost prefecture.
米軍普天間飛行場の移設先、名護市辺野古で政府は、埋め立ての本体工事に着手した。
We cannot help but cast serious doubt on the way the Abe administration has been forging ahead with its plan to build the base, paying little attention to the voices of many people in Okinawa who have clearly rejected the plan.
新基地建設に「ＮＯ」という多くの沖縄県民の声に耳を傾けようとせず、一連の手続きを強行する安倍政権の姿勢に、深刻な疑問を感じざるを得ない。
The administration is running roughshod over Okinawan people’s will and human rights.
沖縄県民の人権と民意がないがしろにされている。
At the same time, the situation raises some serious questions about the moral standards of this nation, which keeps forcing Okinawa, only a small part of it, to bear an unfairly excessive burden for national security.
同時に、沖縄という一地域に過度の負担を押しつける、この国のあり方が問われている。
Reasons for Okinawa’s rejection of Henoko plan
■沖縄の「ＮＯ」の理由
We again urge the administration to immediately stop the construction work in Henoko and hold serious talks with the Okinawa prefectural government over the issue.
政府に改めて求める。工事を速やかに中止し、県と話し合いの場をもつべきだ。
Let us look back again on Okinawa’s history from the viewpoint of Okinawa’s people.
いま一度、沖縄県民の心情に寄り添ってみたい。
In the closing days of the Pacific War, Okinawa became a scene of a devastating ground battle that killed a quarter of the local population. Okinawa was used as a “sacrifice” for the defense of mainland Japan.
太平洋戦争末期、沖縄は県民の４人に１人が犠牲になる痛ましい地上戦を経験した。本土防衛の「捨て石」とされたのだ。
For many years after the end of the war, Okinawa was excluded from the benefits of Japan’s postwar Constitution, which espouses pacifism and guarantees basic human rights. The U.S. military, which ruled Okinawa with an iron fist, took land from local residents forcefully with “bayonet and bulldozer” and built bases around the prefecture.
その沖縄は戦後、平和主義や基本的人権を保障した日本国憲法から隔絶された。米軍統治のもと、「銃剣とブルドーザー」で土地を奪われ、強権的な支配のなかで米軍基地が広がる。
Forty-three years since Okinawa’s long-awaited reversion to Japanese sovereignty, the prefecture, which constitutes only 0.6 percent of national land, is still home to 73.8 percent of the facilities used exclusively by the U.S. military in Japan.
念願の本土復帰から４３年。今なお、国土の０・６％の沖縄に全国の７３・８％もの米軍専用施設を抱えている。
Seven decades since the end of World War II, no other area in the world hosts as many foreign military bases.
戦後７０年たつのに、これほど他国軍の基地が集中する地域が世界のどこにあろうか。
Okinawa has been continuously plagued by accidents, crimes, noise and other problems related to U.S. bases. This is the grim reality of Okinawa.
度重なる事故や犯罪、騒音などの基地被害に脅かされ続けてもいる。それが沖縄の現実である。
Despite all of this, Okinawa Governor Takeshi Onaga doesn’t deny the importance of Japan’s security alliance with the United States. Nor does he demand that the United States return its Kadena Air Base, which is important for deterrence provided by the U.S. forces.
それでも、翁長雄志知事は日米同盟の重要性を否定していない。抑止力で重要な米空軍嘉手納基地の返還も求めていない。
Onaga and people in Okinawa are saying “no” to the government’s blatant attempt to force Okinawa to accept a new U.S. military base despite the prefecture’s long history of suffering from the heavy U.S. military presence.
こうした歴史をたどってきた沖縄に、さらに「新たな基地建設」を押し付けようとする。そんな政府の姿勢に「ＮＯ」の声を上げているのだ。
Once a new base with state-of-the-art military facilities is built in Henoko, it will be hard to get it removed. It is quite likely to become a permanent base.
辺野古に最新鋭の基地が造られれば、撤去は難しい。恒久的な基地になりかねない。
Listen to the voices of the people
■民意に耳を傾けよ
The will of people in Okinawa to reject the planned new base was made indisputably clear in a series of elections last year. Candidates opposed to the Futenma relocation plan won in the Nago mayoral election in January, the Okinawa gubernatorial poll in November and in all of Okinawa’s four single-seat constituencies in the Dec. 14 Lower House election.
それに「ＮＯ」を告げる沖縄の民意は、昨年の名護市長選、県知事選、総選挙の四つの小選挙区で反対派が相次いで勝利したことで明らかである。
But the series of actions taken by the Abe administration to build the new base makes it hard to believe that the administration has any serious interest in listening to the voices of people in Okinawa.
政府にとって沖縄の民意は、耳を傾ける対象ではないのか。着工に向けた一連の手続きにも、強い疑問を禁じ得ない。
To override Onaga’s decision to revoke approval of land reclamation work for the Henoko project, the Defense Ministry’s Okinawa bureau resorted to the administrative complaint investigation system to request a temporary injunction against Onaga’s move. The land minister, a member of the same government, on Oct. 27 issued the requested injunction.
翁長知事による埋め立て承認の取り消しに対し、沖縄防衛局は行政不服審査制度を使い、同じ政府内の国土交通相が取り消し処分の執行停止を認めた。
The system is originally designed to provide relief to private individuals who have suffered damage from actions by administrative organizations.
この制度はそもそも、行政機関から不利益処分を受けた「私人」の救済が趣旨である。
How can the Defense Ministry’s local bureau qualify as a “private individual?” Is it reasonable for the land minister, a member of the Cabinet, to decide on a dispute between the central government and a prefectural government? There is serious doubt about the fairness of this step.
防衛局は「私人」なのか。政府と県の対立を、政府内の国土交通相が裁くのが妥当なのか。公正性に大きな疑問符がつく。
At the same time, the Abe administration has also embarked on the procedures for administrative substitute execution under the local government law in an attempt to disempower the prefectural government.
政府は同時に、地方自治法に基づく代執行手続きにも着手し、知事の権限を奪おうとしている。
The administration’s confrontational attitude indicates that it has no intention to try to find common ground with the prefecture.
その対決姿勢からは、県と接点を探ろうという意思が感じられない。
As a point to note for the Okinawa governor’s permission for land reclamation in Henoko, talks are supposed to be held between the central government and the prefectural government before the main part of the work begins.
The administration has said repeatedly that the talks are already over, turning a deaf ear to the prefectural government’s claim that they are not.
埋め立て承認の留意事項として本体着工前に行うことになっている事前協議についても、政府は「協議は終わった」と繰り返し、「終わっていない」という県の主張を聞こうとしない。
In addition, the administration has announced its decision to provide state subsidies for local development directly to the three districts of Kushi, Henoko and Toyohara in Nago, collectively known as the “Three Kube Districts,” bypassing the governments of Okinawa Prefecture and Nago.
さらに政府は名護市の久志、辺野古、豊原の「久辺３区」に対し、県や市の頭越しに振興費を直接支出するという。
Do all these facts mean the administration intends to simply ignore the opinions and intentions of the prefectural and municipal governments, which are opposed to the Henoko base plan? Does the Abe administration think only areas that support its policy constitute the nation it serves?
辺野古移設に反対する県や市は無視すればいい、そういうことなのか。自らの意向に沿う地域だけが、安倍政権にとっての「日本」なのか。
During the one-month intensive talks between Tokyo and Okinawa over the issue held this summer, the administration did little more than let the prefectural government say what it had to say.
この夏に行われた１カ月の政府と県の集中協議も、結局は、県の主張を聞き置くだけに終わった。
Given that the administration later switched to a hard-line stance toward the prefecture, it is hard to deny that the talks were only intended as a means to buy time for enacting national security legislation.
その後、政府が強硬姿勢に一変したことを見れば、やはり安保関連法を通すための時間稼ぎにすぎなかったと言わざるを得ない。
Japan’s integrity called into question
■日本が問われている
Removing the danger posed by the Funtenma air base is the usual refrain used by the government to justify its plan to build a new base in Henoko.
「普天間飛行場の危険性を除去する」。政府はいつもそう繰り返す。
When the United States considered curtailing and consolidating its military bases in Okinawa, however, the Japanese government showed reluctance in supporting the idea.
しかし、かつて米国で在沖米海兵隊などの整理・縮小案が浮上した際、慎重姿勢を示したのは日本政府だった。
Nineteen years have passed since the 1996 agreement between Tokyo and Washington on the return of the Futenma base to Japan. Its original purpose was to ease the burden borne by Okinawa.
９６年の普天間返還の日米合意から１９年。本来の目的は、沖縄の負担軽減のためだった。
To achieve the purpose, the government should first make all-out efforts to deliver on its promise to former Okinawa Governor Hirokazu Nakaima that the operations of the Futenma base will be terminated within five years.
そのために、まず政府がなすべきは、安倍首相が仲井真弘多（ひろかず）・前知事に約束した「５年以内の運用停止」の実現に向けて全力を傾けることではないか。
The United States has been taking steps to deal with a major cut in its Marine Corps troops stationed in Okinawa, such as planning a transfer of thousands of Marines from Okinawa to Guam and rotational deployments to Hawaii and Australia.
米国は、在沖海兵隊のグアム移転や、ハワイ、豪州などへの巡回配備で対応を進めている。
The situation argues for Japan’s fresh efforts to reassess its official position that the relocation of the Futenma base to Henoko is the only possible option and explore an alternative way through a major review of all factors underlying its security strategy for the entire region, including the supposed necessity of a new facility to take over the functions of the Futenma base.
その現状を見れば、「辺野古移設が唯一の解決策」という固定観念をまずリセットし、地域全体の戦略を再考するなかで、代替施設の必要性も含めて「第三の道」を模索すべきだ。
The will of the people in one prefecture has been continuously ignored. As a democratic country, Japan must not overlook this reality.
ひとつの県の民意が無視され続けている。民主主義国として、この現実を見過ごすことはできない。
Is Japan really a nation that respects human rights? Is it a nation where people can influence the future of their own communities?
日本は人権を重んじる国なのか。地域の将来に、自分たちの意思を反映させられる国なのか――。
The question posed by the Futenma dispute is whether Japan, our nation, is a country that cherishes universal values.
私たちの日本が、普遍的な価値観を大事にする国であるのかどうか。そこが問われている。
EDITORIAL: Japan's cherished values apparently don't apply to Okinawa
（社説）辺野古、本体工事着手 埋め立て強行は許されぬ
How long does the central government intend to continue the history of discriminatory treatment against Okinawa?
政府はいつまで、沖縄に差別的な歴史を強いるのか。
The government on Oct. 29 started the main part of land reclamation work in the Henoko district of Nago, Okinawa Prefecture, to build a new U.S. air base to replace the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Ginowan, a crowded city in the southernmost prefecture.
米軍普天間飛行場の移設先、名護市辺野古で政府は、埋め立ての本体工事に着手した。
We cannot help but cast serious doubt on the way the Abe administration has been forging ahead with its plan to build the base, paying little attention to the voices of many people in Okinawa who have clearly rejected the plan.
新基地建設に「ＮＯ」という多くの沖縄県民の声に耳を傾けようとせず、一連の手続きを強行する安倍政権の姿勢に、深刻な疑問を感じざるを得ない。
The administration is running roughshod over Okinawan people’s will and human rights.
沖縄県民の人権と民意がないがしろにされている。
At the same time, the situation raises some serious questions about the moral standards of this nation, which keeps forcing Okinawa, only a small part of it, to bear an unfairly excessive burden for national security.
同時に、沖縄という一地域に過度の負担を押しつける、この国のあり方が問われている。
Reasons for Okinawa’s rejection of Henoko plan
■沖縄の「ＮＯ」の理由
We again urge the administration to immediately stop the construction work in Henoko and hold serious talks with the Okinawa prefectural government over the issue.
政府に改めて求める。工事を速やかに中止し、県と話し合いの場をもつべきだ。
Let us look back again on Okinawa’s history from the viewpoint of Okinawa’s people.
いま一度、沖縄県民の心情に寄り添ってみたい。
In the closing days of the Pacific War, Okinawa became a scene of a devastating ground battle that killed a quarter of the local population. Okinawa was used as a “sacrifice” for the defense of mainland Japan.
太平洋戦争末期、沖縄は県民の４人に１人が犠牲になる痛ましい地上戦を経験した。本土防衛の「捨て石」とされたのだ。
For many years after the end of the war, Okinawa was excluded from the benefits of Japan’s postwar Constitution, which espouses pacifism and guarantees basic human rights. The U.S. military, which ruled Okinawa with an iron fist, took land from local residents forcefully with “bayonet and bulldozer” and built bases around the prefecture.
その沖縄は戦後、平和主義や基本的人権を保障した日本国憲法から隔絶された。米軍統治のもと、「銃剣とブルドーザー」で土地を奪われ、強権的な支配のなかで米軍基地が広がる。
Forty-three years since Okinawa’s long-awaited reversion to Japanese sovereignty, the prefecture, which constitutes only 0.6 percent of national land, is still home to 73.8 percent of the facilities used exclusively by the U.S. military in Japan.
念願の本土復帰から４３年。今なお、国土の０・６％の沖縄に全国の７３・８％もの米軍専用施設を抱えている。
Seven decades since the end of World War II, no other area in the world hosts as many foreign military bases.
戦後７０年たつのに、これほど他国軍の基地が集中する地域が世界のどこにあろうか。
Okinawa has been continuously plagued by accidents, crimes, noise and other problems related to U.S. bases. This is the grim reality of Okinawa.
度重なる事故や犯罪、騒音などの基地被害に脅かされ続けてもいる。それが沖縄の現実である。
Despite all of this, Okinawa Governor Takeshi Onaga doesn’t deny the importance of Japan’s security alliance with the United States. Nor does he demand that the United States return its Kadena Air Base, which is important for deterrence provided by the U.S. forces.
それでも、翁長雄志知事は日米同盟の重要性を否定していない。抑止力で重要な米空軍嘉手納基地の返還も求めていない。
Onaga and people in Okinawa are saying “no” to the government’s blatant attempt to force Okinawa to accept a new U.S. military base despite the prefecture’s long history of suffering from the heavy U.S. military presence.
こうした歴史をたどってきた沖縄に、さらに「新たな基地建設」を押し付けようとする。そんな政府の姿勢に「ＮＯ」の声を上げているのだ。
Once a new base with state-of-the-art military facilities is built in Henoko, it will be hard to get it removed. It is quite likely to become a permanent base.
辺野古に最新鋭の基地が造られれば、撤去は難しい。恒久的な基地になりかねない。
Listen to the voices of the people
■民意に耳を傾けよ
The will of people in Okinawa to reject the planned new base was made indisputably clear in a series of elections last year. Candidates opposed to the Futenma relocation plan won in the Nago mayoral election in January, the Okinawa gubernatorial poll in November and in all of Okinawa’s four single-seat constituencies in the Dec. 14 Lower House election.
それに「ＮＯ」を告げる沖縄の民意は、昨年の名護市長選、県知事選、総選挙の四つの小選挙区で反対派が相次いで勝利したことで明らかである。
But the series of actions taken by the Abe administration to build the new base makes it hard to believe that the administration has any serious interest in listening to the voices of people in Okinawa.
政府にとって沖縄の民意は、耳を傾ける対象ではないのか。着工に向けた一連の手続きにも、強い疑問を禁じ得ない。
To override Onaga’s decision to revoke approval of land reclamation work for the Henoko project, the Defense Ministry’s Okinawa bureau resorted to the administrative complaint investigation system to request a temporary injunction against Onaga’s move. The land minister, a member of the same government, on Oct. 27 issued the requested injunction.
翁長知事による埋め立て承認の取り消しに対し、沖縄防衛局は行政不服審査制度を使い、同じ政府内の国土交通相が取り消し処分の執行停止を認めた。
The system is originally designed to provide relief to private individuals who have suffered damage from actions by administrative organizations.
この制度はそもそも、行政機関から不利益処分を受けた「私人」の救済が趣旨である。
How can the Defense Ministry’s local bureau qualify as a “private individual?” Is it reasonable for the land minister, a member of the Cabinet, to decide on a dispute between the central government and a prefectural government? There is serious doubt about the fairness of this step.
防衛局は「私人」なのか。政府と県の対立を、政府内の国土交通相が裁くのが妥当なのか。公正性に大きな疑問符がつく。
At the same time, the Abe administration has also embarked on the procedures for administrative substitute execution under the local government law in an attempt to disempower the prefectural government.
政府は同時に、地方自治法に基づく代執行手続きにも着手し、知事の権限を奪おうとしている。
The administration’s confrontational attitude indicates that it has no intention to try to find common ground with the prefecture.
その対決姿勢からは、県と接点を探ろうという意思が感じられない。
As a point to note for the Okinawa governor’s permission for land reclamation in Henoko, talks are supposed to be held between the central government and the prefectural government before the main part of the work begins.
The administration has said repeatedly that the talks are already over, turning a deaf ear to the prefectural government’s claim that they are not.
埋め立て承認の留意事項として本体着工前に行うことになっている事前協議についても、政府は「協議は終わった」と繰り返し、「終わっていない」という県の主張を聞こうとしない。
In addition, the administration has announced its decision to provide state subsidies for local development directly to the three districts of Kushi, Henoko and Toyohara in Nago, collectively known as the “Three Kube Districts,” bypassing the governments of Okinawa Prefecture and Nago.
さらに政府は名護市の久志、辺野古、豊原の「久辺３区」に対し、県や市の頭越しに振興費を直接支出するという。
Do all these facts mean the administration intends to simply ignore the opinions and intentions of the prefectural and municipal governments, which are opposed to the Henoko base plan? Does the Abe administration think only areas that support its policy constitute the nation it serves?
辺野古移設に反対する県や市は無視すればいい、そういうことなのか。自らの意向に沿う地域だけが、安倍政権にとっての「日本」なのか。
During the one-month intensive talks between Tokyo and Okinawa over the issue held this summer, the administration did little more than let the prefectural government say what it had to say.
この夏に行われた１カ月の政府と県の集中協議も、結局は、県の主張を聞き置くだけに終わった。
Given that the administration later switched to a hard-line stance toward the prefecture, it is hard to deny that the talks were only intended as a means to buy time for enacting national security legislation.
その後、政府が強硬姿勢に一変したことを見れば、やはり安保関連法を通すための時間稼ぎにすぎなかったと言わざるを得ない。
Japan’s integrity called into question
■日本が問われている
Removing the danger posed by the Funtenma air base is the usual refrain used by the government to justify its plan to build a new base in Henoko.
「普天間飛行場の危険性を除去する」。政府はいつもそう繰り返す。
When the United States considered curtailing and consolidating its military bases in Okinawa, however, the Japanese government showed reluctance in supporting the idea.
しかし、かつて米国で在沖米海兵隊などの整理・縮小案が浮上した際、慎重姿勢を示したのは日本政府だった。
Nineteen years have passed since the 1996 agreement between Tokyo and Washington on the return of the Futenma base to Japan. Its original purpose was to ease the burden borne by Okinawa.
９６年の普天間返還の日米合意から１９年。本来の目的は、沖縄の負担軽減のためだった。
To achieve the purpose, the government should first make all-out efforts to deliver on its promise to former Okinawa Governor Hirokazu Nakaima that the operations of the Futenma base will be terminated within five years.
そのために、まず政府がなすべきは、安倍首相が仲井真弘多（ひろかず）・前知事に約束した「５年以内の運用停止」の実現に向けて全力を傾けることではないか。
The United States has been taking steps to deal with a major cut in its Marine Corps troops stationed in Okinawa, such as planning a transfer of thousands of Marines from Okinawa to Guam and rotational deployments to Hawaii and Australia.
米国は、在沖海兵隊のグアム移転や、ハワイ、豪州などへの巡回配備で対応を進めている。
The situation argues for Japan’s fresh efforts to reassess its official position that the relocation of the Futenma base to Henoko is the only possible option and explore an alternative way through a major review of all factors underlying its security strategy for the entire region, including the supposed necessity of a new facility to take over the functions of the Futenma base.
その現状を見れば、「辺野古移設が唯一の解決策」という固定観念をまずリセットし、地域全体の戦略を再考するなかで、代替施設の必要性も含めて「第三の道」を模索すべきだ。
The will of the people in one prefecture has been continuously ignored. As a democratic country, Japan must not overlook this reality.
ひとつの県の民意が無視され続けている。民主主義国として、この現実を見過ごすことはできない。
Is Japan really a nation that respects human rights? Is it a nation where people can influence the future of their own communities?
日本は人権を重んじる国なのか。地域の将来に、自分たちの意思を反映させられる国なのか――。
The question posed by the Futenma dispute is whether Japan, our nation, is a country that cherishes universal values.
私たちの日本が、普遍的な価値観を大事にする国であるのかどうか。そこが問われている。
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Plan for dynamic society must create more than just slogans
１億総活躍会議 スローガン倒れにならぬよう
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has put forth a policy of achieving what he calls “promoting the dynamic engagement of all citizens,” but isn’t it difficult for the people to have a specific image of such a society?
安倍首相は「１億総活躍社会」の実現を打ち出したが、国民は具体的なイメージを描きにくいのではないか。
The national council to discuss concrete measures for the realization of the policy held its first meeting Thursday. After compiling urgent measures before the end of November, the panel plans to put together mid- and long-term steps as early as next spring.
「１億総活躍社会」に向けた具体策を議論する政府の国民会議の初会合が開かれた。１１月中に緊急対策をまとめた上で、来春にも中長期的なプランを策定する予定だ。
Chairing the meeting, Abe said, “I hope to create a society where everyone can play an active role, by eliminating all policies that stand in the way of us achieving this.”
議長を務める首相は「みんなが活躍できる社会を作るために、それを阻むあらゆる政策を取り除いていきたい」と強調した。
The government defines “a society that allows the dynamic engagement of its all citizens” as one in which “a population of 100 million [or more] can be maintained even 50 years from now” and “all citizens will be able to lead a fruitful life in their households, workplaces and communities.”
政府は、「１億総活躍社会」の姿について、「５０年後も人口１億人を維持」「誰もが家庭、職場、地域で充実した生活を送れること」と説明する。
To realize these goals, Abe has put forth the new three arrows of his policy agenda: boosting the gross domestic product to ¥600 trillion, raising the birthrate hoped for by the people to 1.8 children per woman and reducing the number of workers who quit their jobs to provide nursing care to zero.
それらを実現するため、首相は、「国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）６００兆円」「希望出生率１・８」「介護離職ゼロ」という新たな３本の矢を掲げている。
To prevent these policies from ending up as mere slogans, it is essential for the national council to serve as an engine to promote the integration of concrete targets and road maps.
スローガン倒れにならぬよう、国民会議が推進役となり、具体的な目標と工程表をまとめ上げることが重要である。
Regarding the urgent measures, priority will most likely be placed on enhancing the birthrate and tackling the issue of workers quitting jobs to provide nursing care. Many aspects of these policy goals overlap with the government’s conventional policy initiatives of supporting women’s roles in society, vitalizing local economy to help deal with population decline and the overall growth strategy.
緊急対策では、出生率の向上と介護離職問題に重点が置かれる見通しだ。成長戦略や女性活躍推進、人口減を念頭に置いた地方創生といった政府のこれまでの政策と重なる部分が多い。
New ideas needed
All these issues have also been discussed by such government panels as the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy, the Council for Industrial Competitiveness and the Council on Overcoming Population Decline and Vitalizing Local Economy in Japan.
政府の経済財政諮問会議や産業競争力会議、「まち・ひと・しごと創生会議」などで議論を重ねてきたテーマでもある。
It is conspicuous that some of the people who are members of these panels are also part of the new national council. This most likely indicates that cooperation with the existing panels was deemed important. To prevent the national council from ending up as an unnecessary addition, it is necessary to define its position clearly.
国民会議には、これらの会議を兼務するメンバーが目立つ。既存の会議との連携を重視したのだろう。屋上屋を架したことにならないよう、国民会議の位置付けをはっきりさせるべきだ。
In line with the government’s policies, local governments have worked out overall strategies for local economy vitalization while businesses have begun to formulate action programs for promoting the appointment of women. It is approaching a critical stage.
政府方針に沿い、自治体は地方創生の総合戦略を策定し、企業は女性登用の行動計画作りを始めている。これからが正念場だ。
We want the council to conduct its discussions while considering whether possible measures in this area are consistent with the conventional policy agendas.
国民会議は、従来の政策分野との整合性を考慮して、議論を進めてもらいたい。
The measures that should be taken in each area have almost all been tabled. The council is expected to support their implementation by clarifying the order of priority and the sectors to be strengthened.
どのテーマも、やるべき対策はほぼ出そろっている。国民会議に期待されるのは、施策の優先順位や強化すべき部分を明確にし、実施を後押しすることだろう。
We urge the council to come up with new ideas, such as lending state-owned land cheaply to build additional special nursing care homes.
特別養護老人ホームを増設するため、国有地を安く貸し出すなど、新たなアイデアを提示することも求められる。
Government ministries and agencies are taking steps — action that was anticipated — to obtain higher budgets for the next fiscal year by linking their measures with the government’s policy to promote “dynamic engagement.” However, the government should not resort to adopting a casual handout policy that tries to fulfill the ruling parties’ desire to please voters ahead of the House of Councillors election set for next summer.
予想されたことだが、各省庁に「１億総活躍」に絡めて来年度予算の増額を狙う動きが見られる。来年夏に参院選を控え、有権者にアピールしたい与党の思惑と相まって、安易なバラマキに陥ることがあってはならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Oct. 30, 2015)Speech
Plan for dynamic society must create more than just slogans
１億総活躍会議 スローガン倒れにならぬよう
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has put forth a policy of achieving what he calls “promoting the dynamic engagement of all citizens,” but isn’t it difficult for the people to have a specific image of such a society?
安倍首相は「１億総活躍社会」の実現を打ち出したが、国民は具体的なイメージを描きにくいのではないか。
The national council to discuss concrete measures for the realization of the policy held its first meeting Thursday. After compiling urgent measures before the end of November, the panel plans to put together mid- and long-term steps as early as next spring.
「１億総活躍社会」に向けた具体策を議論する政府の国民会議の初会合が開かれた。１１月中に緊急対策をまとめた上で、来春にも中長期的なプランを策定する予定だ。
Chairing the meeting, Abe said, “I hope to create a society where everyone can play an active role, by eliminating all policies that stand in the way of us achieving this.”
議長を務める首相は「みんなが活躍できる社会を作るために、それを阻むあらゆる政策を取り除いていきたい」と強調した。
The government defines “a society that allows the dynamic engagement of its all citizens” as one in which “a population of 100 million [or more] can be maintained even 50 years from now” and “all citizens will be able to lead a fruitful life in their households, workplaces and communities.”
政府は、「１億総活躍社会」の姿について、「５０年後も人口１億人を維持」「誰もが家庭、職場、地域で充実した生活を送れること」と説明する。
To realize these goals, Abe has put forth the new three arrows of his policy agenda: boosting the gross domestic product to ¥600 trillion, raising the birthrate hoped for by the people to 1.8 children per woman and reducing the number of workers who quit their jobs to provide nursing care to zero.
それらを実現するため、首相は、「国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）６００兆円」「希望出生率１・８」「介護離職ゼロ」という新たな３本の矢を掲げている。
To prevent these policies from ending up as mere slogans, it is essential for the national council to serve as an engine to promote the integration of concrete targets and road maps.
スローガン倒れにならぬよう、国民会議が推進役となり、具体的な目標と工程表をまとめ上げることが重要である。
Regarding the urgent measures, priority will most likely be placed on enhancing the birthrate and tackling the issue of workers quitting jobs to provide nursing care. Many aspects of these policy goals overlap with the government’s conventional policy initiatives of supporting women’s roles in society, vitalizing local economy to help deal with population decline and the overall growth strategy.
緊急対策では、出生率の向上と介護離職問題に重点が置かれる見通しだ。成長戦略や女性活躍推進、人口減を念頭に置いた地方創生といった政府のこれまでの政策と重なる部分が多い。
New ideas needed
All these issues have also been discussed by such government panels as the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy, the Council for Industrial Competitiveness and the Council on Overcoming Population Decline and Vitalizing Local Economy in Japan.
政府の経済財政諮問会議や産業競争力会議、「まち・ひと・しごと創生会議」などで議論を重ねてきたテーマでもある。
It is conspicuous that some of the people who are members of these panels are also part of the new national council. This most likely indicates that cooperation with the existing panels was deemed important. To prevent the national council from ending up as an unnecessary addition, it is necessary to define its position clearly.
国民会議には、これらの会議を兼務するメンバーが目立つ。既存の会議との連携を重視したのだろう。屋上屋を架したことにならないよう、国民会議の位置付けをはっきりさせるべきだ。
In line with the government’s policies, local governments have worked out overall strategies for local economy vitalization while businesses have begun to formulate action programs for promoting the appointment of women. It is approaching a critical stage.
政府方針に沿い、自治体は地方創生の総合戦略を策定し、企業は女性登用の行動計画作りを始めている。これからが正念場だ。
We want the council to conduct its discussions while considering whether possible measures in this area are consistent with the conventional policy agendas.
国民会議は、従来の政策分野との整合性を考慮して、議論を進めてもらいたい。
The measures that should be taken in each area have almost all been tabled. The council is expected to support their implementation by clarifying the order of priority and the sectors to be strengthened.
どのテーマも、やるべき対策はほぼ出そろっている。国民会議に期待されるのは、施策の優先順位や強化すべき部分を明確にし、実施を後押しすることだろう。
We urge the council to come up with new ideas, such as lending state-owned land cheaply to build additional special nursing care homes.
特別養護老人ホームを増設するため、国有地を安く貸し出すなど、新たなアイデアを提示することも求められる。
Government ministries and agencies are taking steps — action that was anticipated — to obtain higher budgets for the next fiscal year by linking their measures with the government’s policy to promote “dynamic engagement.” However, the government should not resort to adopting a casual handout policy that tries to fulfill the ruling parties’ desire to please voters ahead of the House of Councillors election set for next summer.
予想されたことだが、各省庁に「１億総活躍」に絡めて来年度予算の増額を狙う動きが見られる。来年夏に参院選を控え、有権者にアピールしたい与党の思惑と相まって、安易なバラマキに陥ることがあってはならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Oct. 30, 2015)Speech
The Yomiuri Shimbun
U.S. vessel patrol shows Beijing cannot militarize South China Sea
米艦南シナ海に 中国の軍事拠点化を許さない
The latest U.S. action serves as a stern warning to China, a country that is attempting to change the status quo by the use of force and making the change a fait accompli in the South China Sea.
南シナ海で力による現状変更を進め、既成事実化を図る中国への厳しい警告を意味しよう。
A U.S. Navy Aegis-equipped destroyer sailed within 12 nautical miles (about 22 kilometers) of artificial islands built by China in the Spratly archipelago in the South China Sea.
米海軍のイージス駆逐艦が、南シナ海のスプラトリー（南沙）諸島で、中国が造成した人工島の１２カイリ（約２２キロ・メートル）内を航行した。
U.S. Defense Secretary Ashton Carter calls the operations as “routine activities” and made clear that Washington would continue the operations.
カーター米国防長官は「通常実施している作戦だ」と述べ、継続的に行う方針を表明した。
The U.S. operations embody, for all the world to see, the “freedom of navigation” in the South China Sea by conducting patrols, as on any other part of the open sea, in what China claims as its “territorial waters.”
中国が「領海」と主張する海域で公海と同様に巡視することで「航行の自由」を体現し、アピールする作戦だ。
Washington gets high marks for making clear its stance of not tolerating any act that would threaten sea-lanes, which are maritime interests of the international community.
国際社会の利益である海上交通路（シーレーン）を脅かす行為は容認しない姿勢を明確に示したことは評価できる。
China is promoting the establishment of military strongholds in the sea by building artificial islands through reef reclamation and by constructing a 3,000-meter-class runway, in an attempt to change the South China Sea into a “Chinese sea.”
中国は、岩礁埋め立てによる人工島造成や３０００メートル級の滑走路建設など軍事拠点化を推進し、南シナ海を「中国の海」にしようとしている。
This is part of China’s “anti-access and area denial (A2/AD)” strategy to prevent the intervention of U.S. forces in the event of a contingency.
米軍の有事介入を阻む「接近阻止・領域拒否（Ａ２ＡＤ）」戦略の一環でもある。
Subi Reef, near which the U.S. destroyer sailed, was previously a sunken rock that was submerged at high tide.
米艦が航行したスービ礁は、もともと満潮時に水没する暗礁だ。
The U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea stipulates that sunken reefs, artificial islands and facilities off shore are not entitled to the 12-mile territorial waters.
国連海洋法条約は、暗礁や人工島、沖合の施設はそれ自体の領海を有しないと定めている。
It is unjustifiable for China to claim that “China’s sovereign rights [over the South China Sea] were formed in the course of history,” while establishing the so-called nine-dash line, which has no legal basis under international law, in the sea.
国際法に根拠のない９本の境界線「九段線」を設定し、「歴史の中で主権が形成された」という中国の主張には無理があろう。
Refrain from rash moves
It is absurd for Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi to oppose the U.S. naval action by saying, “We urge the U.S. side to think twice, not to take rash moves and stir up trouble.” Isn’t it China itself that should refrain from rash moves?
中国の王毅外相が「米に軽率な行動を慎むよう促す」と反発したのは筋違いだ。「軽率な行動」を控えるべきは中国ではないか。
China has reportedly taken such actions as having its vessels, including a guided-missile destroyer, monitor, shadow and give warnings to the U.S. warship. We strongly urge China to exercise self-restraint so that its military units do not take any dangerous, provocative acts.
中国は、ミサイル駆逐艦などが米艦を「監視・追跡、警告した」という。軍部隊が危険な挑発に出ないよう強く自制を求めたい。
The U.S. Defense Department had earlier proposed that the U.S. military vessels should conduct patrols, but U.S. President Barack Obama had put off making his final decision.
米国防総省は早くから艦艇航行を進言していたが、オバマ大統領は最終判断を先送りしていた。
During his talks with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Washington last month, Obama urged China to suspend reef reclamation activities and facility construction in the South China Sea. But Xi refused to comply, saying they are China’s territory, prompting Obama to give the go-ahead to the naval action at last.
９月の米中首脳会談で、埋め立てや施設建設などの停止を要求したのに対し、習近平国家主席が「中国の領土だ」とはねつけたのを見て、ようやく踏み切った。
Obama may have had too much confidence in his ability to persuade Xi.
オバマ氏は、習氏を説得できると過信していたのではないか。
The United States is cooperating with China in dealing with climate change and antiterrorism measures. But this is no reason for the United States to overlook China’s self-righteous actions.
米国は気候変動問題やテロ対策で中国と協力しているが、その独善的行動を見過ごす理由にはなるまい。
Washington needs to rethink its strategy toward China, while taking measures to prevent any accidental military clash.
偶発的な軍事衝突を防ぐ措置をとりながら、対中戦略を練り直すことが求められる。
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said, “It is extremely important for the international community to cooperate so as to protect open, free and peaceful seas,” supporting the U.S. dispatch of the naval vessel to the area. The Philippines and Australia have also hailed the latest U.S. action.
菅官房長官は「開かれた、自由で平和な海を守るために国際社会が連携することは極めて大事だ」と語り、米国の艦艇派遣を支持した。フィリピンやオーストラリアも歓迎している。
While cooperating closely with the United States and other countries concerned, Japan should keep a watch on China’s moves in the South China Sea.
日本は、米国や関係国と緊密に連携しつつ、南シナ海での中国の動きを警戒せねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Oct. 29, 2015)Speech
U.S. vessel patrol shows Beijing cannot militarize South China Sea
米艦南シナ海に 中国の軍事拠点化を許さない
The latest U.S. action serves as a stern warning to China, a country that is attempting to change the status quo by the use of force and making the change a fait accompli in the South China Sea.
南シナ海で力による現状変更を進め、既成事実化を図る中国への厳しい警告を意味しよう。
A U.S. Navy Aegis-equipped destroyer sailed within 12 nautical miles (about 22 kilometers) of artificial islands built by China in the Spratly archipelago in the South China Sea.
米海軍のイージス駆逐艦が、南シナ海のスプラトリー（南沙）諸島で、中国が造成した人工島の１２カイリ（約２２キロ・メートル）内を航行した。
U.S. Defense Secretary Ashton Carter calls the operations as “routine activities” and made clear that Washington would continue the operations.
カーター米国防長官は「通常実施している作戦だ」と述べ、継続的に行う方針を表明した。
The U.S. operations embody, for all the world to see, the “freedom of navigation” in the South China Sea by conducting patrols, as on any other part of the open sea, in what China claims as its “territorial waters.”
中国が「領海」と主張する海域で公海と同様に巡視することで「航行の自由」を体現し、アピールする作戦だ。
Washington gets high marks for making clear its stance of not tolerating any act that would threaten sea-lanes, which are maritime interests of the international community.
国際社会の利益である海上交通路（シーレーン）を脅かす行為は容認しない姿勢を明確に示したことは評価できる。
China is promoting the establishment of military strongholds in the sea by building artificial islands through reef reclamation and by constructing a 3,000-meter-class runway, in an attempt to change the South China Sea into a “Chinese sea.”
中国は、岩礁埋め立てによる人工島造成や３０００メートル級の滑走路建設など軍事拠点化を推進し、南シナ海を「中国の海」にしようとしている。
This is part of China’s “anti-access and area denial (A2/AD)” strategy to prevent the intervention of U.S. forces in the event of a contingency.
米軍の有事介入を阻む「接近阻止・領域拒否（Ａ２ＡＤ）」戦略の一環でもある。
Subi Reef, near which the U.S. destroyer sailed, was previously a sunken rock that was submerged at high tide.
米艦が航行したスービ礁は、もともと満潮時に水没する暗礁だ。
The U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea stipulates that sunken reefs, artificial islands and facilities off shore are not entitled to the 12-mile territorial waters.
国連海洋法条約は、暗礁や人工島、沖合の施設はそれ自体の領海を有しないと定めている。
It is unjustifiable for China to claim that “China’s sovereign rights [over the South China Sea] were formed in the course of history,” while establishing the so-called nine-dash line, which has no legal basis under international law, in the sea.
国際法に根拠のない９本の境界線「九段線」を設定し、「歴史の中で主権が形成された」という中国の主張には無理があろう。
Refrain from rash moves
It is absurd for Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi to oppose the U.S. naval action by saying, “We urge the U.S. side to think twice, not to take rash moves and stir up trouble.” Isn’t it China itself that should refrain from rash moves?
中国の王毅外相が「米に軽率な行動を慎むよう促す」と反発したのは筋違いだ。「軽率な行動」を控えるべきは中国ではないか。
China has reportedly taken such actions as having its vessels, including a guided-missile destroyer, monitor, shadow and give warnings to the U.S. warship. We strongly urge China to exercise self-restraint so that its military units do not take any dangerous, provocative acts.
中国は、ミサイル駆逐艦などが米艦を「監視・追跡、警告した」という。軍部隊が危険な挑発に出ないよう強く自制を求めたい。
The U.S. Defense Department had earlier proposed that the U.S. military vessels should conduct patrols, but U.S. President Barack Obama had put off making his final decision.
米国防総省は早くから艦艇航行を進言していたが、オバマ大統領は最終判断を先送りしていた。
During his talks with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Washington last month, Obama urged China to suspend reef reclamation activities and facility construction in the South China Sea. But Xi refused to comply, saying they are China’s territory, prompting Obama to give the go-ahead to the naval action at last.
９月の米中首脳会談で、埋め立てや施設建設などの停止を要求したのに対し、習近平国家主席が「中国の領土だ」とはねつけたのを見て、ようやく踏み切った。
Obama may have had too much confidence in his ability to persuade Xi.
オバマ氏は、習氏を説得できると過信していたのではないか。
The United States is cooperating with China in dealing with climate change and antiterrorism measures. But this is no reason for the United States to overlook China’s self-righteous actions.
米国は気候変動問題やテロ対策で中国と協力しているが、その独善的行動を見過ごす理由にはなるまい。
Washington needs to rethink its strategy toward China, while taking measures to prevent any accidental military clash.
偶発的な軍事衝突を防ぐ措置をとりながら、対中戦略を練り直すことが求められる。
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said, “It is extremely important for the international community to cooperate so as to protect open, free and peaceful seas,” supporting the U.S. dispatch of the naval vessel to the area. The Philippines and Australia have also hailed the latest U.S. action.
菅官房長官は「開かれた、自由で平和な海を守るために国際社会が連携することは極めて大事だ」と語り、米国の艦艇派遣を支持した。フィリピンやオーストラリアも歓迎している。
While cooperating closely with the United States and other countries concerned, Japan should keep a watch on China’s moves in the South China Sea.
日本は、米国や関係国と緊密に連携しつつ、南シナ海での中国の動きを警戒せねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Oct. 29, 2015)Speech
--The Asahi Shimbun, Oct. 28
EDITORIAL: China triply unreasonable in vital waterway for world’s trading vessels
（社説）南シナ海 各国共通の利益を守れ
The South China Sea must remain open for vessels of all flags to navigate freely.
南シナ海は、あらゆる国の船に対して通航の妨げのない、開かれた海でなくてはならない。
This is the basic premise of any argument related to complex territorial issues concerning these waters.
それが、この海域をめぐる複雑な主権問題を考える際の出発点である。
On Oct. 27, a guided-missile destroyer of the U.S. Navy sailed near Subi Reef in the Spratly archipelago.
米海軍のイージス駆逐艦が、南シナ海スプラトリー（南沙）諸島のスビ礁と呼ばれる岩礁の近くの海を航行した。
Under China’s de facto control, Subi is part of Beijing’s massive reclamation project to build artificial islands, and an airstrip is being built there.
スビ礁は中国が実効支配し、大規模な埋めログイン前の続き立てで滑走路を備えた人工島を建設している。
The destroyer sailed within 12 nautical miles (about 22 kilometers) of the artificial island that Beijing claims is in Chinese waters. The Pentagon explained that the vessel was sent there to assert “freedom of navigation.”
そこから１２カイリ（約２２キロ）以内、中国が領海だと主張する海をあえて通ったのは「航行の自由を示すため」と、米国防総省は説明している。
Under international laws, warships are allowed within territorial waters if their passage is “innocent.” If the U.S. destroyer did nothing to aggravate the situation and was where it was for the exact reason given by the United States, we support the latter’s assertion.
領海内であっても、軍艦の通航が、いわゆる「無害通航」なら、認めるのが国際ルールだ。事態をエスカレートさせず、説明通りの目的に沿うものなら、米国の主張は支持できる。
Right after China unilaterally declared an air defense identification zone (ADIZ) in the East China Sea in November 2013, the U.S. Air Force flew a pair of B-52 bombers over the ADIZ without prior warning. We believe the dispatch of the destroyer this time was for the same intent as in 2013--namely, to make the U.S. intention known by action.
米軍は一昨年１１月、中国が東シナ海に防空識別圏を設けた直後、予告なく爆撃機を飛行させた。これと同様、今回も行動によって意思表示をしたということだろう。
Sending warships or warplanes can hardly be called an amicable gesture. It could invite unintended consequences. But fortunately, there was no confrontation between U.S. and Chinese vessels this time. Both countries must continue to exercise self-restraint.
軍艦や軍用機の派遣は、決して穏やかな方法とは言えない。場合によっては不測の事態を招く恐れもある。今回は幸い、米中の軍艦が接触するような事態にはならなかった。両国には今後も自制が求められる。
China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has reacted vehemently, denouncing the U.S. action as a threat to China’s sovereignty and security and damaging to regional peace and stability.
中国外務省は「中国の主権と安全を脅かす」「地域の平和と安定を損なう」と米軍の行動に強く反発している。
However, this assertion does not stand to reason.
しかし、中国の主張には無理がある。
The situation today is the result of China’s own actions in the South China Sea.
そもそも中国がこれまで南シナ海で続けてきた行動にこそ、問題があったからだ。
Subi Reef was originally a small rocky outcrop that became submerged at high tide. As such, it was not deemed an island under international maritime laws. But China not only reclaimed the waters around it to build a man-made island, it also claimed territory within 12 nautical miles of the island, and then refused to acknowledge the U.S. destroyer’s right to innocent passage. In other words, Beijing is being triply unreasonable.
スビ礁は、もとは満潮時に水没する小さな岩礁だ。海洋法上は島と見なすことができない。それを埋め立てて人工島にしたうえ、１２カイリ以内を領海とみなし、無害通航権のある米軍艦の通過を非難するというのは、二重三重に無理のある主張だ。
Although China asserts its historical rights in most of the South China Sea, its reclamation project at seven locations can only be seen by other countries as a blatant case of expansionism.
中国は南シナ海の大半の海域について歴史的な権利を持っていると主張しているが、スプラトリー諸島で７カ所も埋め立てをする行動は、他国から見て明らかに拡張主義である。
The South China Sea is a vital waterway for the world’s trading vessels.
南シナ海は世界の貿易船舶にとって重要な航路だ。
Free and safe navigation in these waters is of common interest not only to the United States, China and countries of Southeast Asia, but also to all countries, including Japan.
その自由と安全は、米中はもとより東南アジア諸国、日本を含む各国共通の利益である。
After economic reforms, China sought trading partners around the world and achieved phenomenal economic development. Now that its economy is slowing down, China needs those partners more than ever.
改革開放後の中国は、広く世界に通商の相手を求めた結果、目覚ましい経済発展を遂げた。成長が鈍化した今こそ、なおさらそれが必要だろう。
Inviting tensions with other countries cannot possibly be in China’s best interest.
他国との対立を招くことは、中国自身にとっても、決して得策ではないはずだ。
EDITORIAL: China triply unreasonable in vital waterway for world’s trading vessels
（社説）南シナ海 各国共通の利益を守れ
The South China Sea must remain open for vessels of all flags to navigate freely.
南シナ海は、あらゆる国の船に対して通航の妨げのない、開かれた海でなくてはならない。
This is the basic premise of any argument related to complex territorial issues concerning these waters.
それが、この海域をめぐる複雑な主権問題を考える際の出発点である。
On Oct. 27, a guided-missile destroyer of the U.S. Navy sailed near Subi Reef in the Spratly archipelago.
米海軍のイージス駆逐艦が、南シナ海スプラトリー（南沙）諸島のスビ礁と呼ばれる岩礁の近くの海を航行した。
Under China’s de facto control, Subi is part of Beijing’s massive reclamation project to build artificial islands, and an airstrip is being built there.
スビ礁は中国が実効支配し、大規模な埋めログイン前の続き立てで滑走路を備えた人工島を建設している。
The destroyer sailed within 12 nautical miles (about 22 kilometers) of the artificial island that Beijing claims is in Chinese waters. The Pentagon explained that the vessel was sent there to assert “freedom of navigation.”
そこから１２カイリ（約２２キロ）以内、中国が領海だと主張する海をあえて通ったのは「航行の自由を示すため」と、米国防総省は説明している。
Under international laws, warships are allowed within territorial waters if their passage is “innocent.” If the U.S. destroyer did nothing to aggravate the situation and was where it was for the exact reason given by the United States, we support the latter’s assertion.
領海内であっても、軍艦の通航が、いわゆる「無害通航」なら、認めるのが国際ルールだ。事態をエスカレートさせず、説明通りの目的に沿うものなら、米国の主張は支持できる。
Right after China unilaterally declared an air defense identification zone (ADIZ) in the East China Sea in November 2013, the U.S. Air Force flew a pair of B-52 bombers over the ADIZ without prior warning. We believe the dispatch of the destroyer this time was for the same intent as in 2013--namely, to make the U.S. intention known by action.
米軍は一昨年１１月、中国が東シナ海に防空識別圏を設けた直後、予告なく爆撃機を飛行させた。これと同様、今回も行動によって意思表示をしたということだろう。
Sending warships or warplanes can hardly be called an amicable gesture. It could invite unintended consequences. But fortunately, there was no confrontation between U.S. and Chinese vessels this time. Both countries must continue to exercise self-restraint.
軍艦や軍用機の派遣は、決して穏やかな方法とは言えない。場合によっては不測の事態を招く恐れもある。今回は幸い、米中の軍艦が接触するような事態にはならなかった。両国には今後も自制が求められる。
China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has reacted vehemently, denouncing the U.S. action as a threat to China’s sovereignty and security and damaging to regional peace and stability.
中国外務省は「中国の主権と安全を脅かす」「地域の平和と安定を損なう」と米軍の行動に強く反発している。
However, this assertion does not stand to reason.
しかし、中国の主張には無理がある。
The situation today is the result of China’s own actions in the South China Sea.
そもそも中国がこれまで南シナ海で続けてきた行動にこそ、問題があったからだ。
Subi Reef was originally a small rocky outcrop that became submerged at high tide. As such, it was not deemed an island under international maritime laws. But China not only reclaimed the waters around it to build a man-made island, it also claimed territory within 12 nautical miles of the island, and then refused to acknowledge the U.S. destroyer’s right to innocent passage. In other words, Beijing is being triply unreasonable.
スビ礁は、もとは満潮時に水没する小さな岩礁だ。海洋法上は島と見なすことができない。それを埋め立てて人工島にしたうえ、１２カイリ以内を領海とみなし、無害通航権のある米軍艦の通過を非難するというのは、二重三重に無理のある主張だ。
Although China asserts its historical rights in most of the South China Sea, its reclamation project at seven locations can only be seen by other countries as a blatant case of expansionism.
中国は南シナ海の大半の海域について歴史的な権利を持っていると主張しているが、スプラトリー諸島で７カ所も埋め立てをする行動は、他国から見て明らかに拡張主義である。
The South China Sea is a vital waterway for the world’s trading vessels.
南シナ海は世界の貿易船舶にとって重要な航路だ。
Free and safe navigation in these waters is of common interest not only to the United States, China and countries of Southeast Asia, but also to all countries, including Japan.
その自由と安全は、米中はもとより東南アジア諸国、日本を含む各国共通の利益である。
After economic reforms, China sought trading partners around the world and achieved phenomenal economic development. Now that its economy is slowing down, China needs those partners more than ever.
改革開放後の中国は、広く世界に通商の相手を求めた結果、目覚ましい経済発展を遂げた。成長が鈍化した今こそ、なおさらそれが必要だろう。
Inviting tensions with other countries cannot possibly be in China’s best interest.
他国との対立を招くことは、中国自身にとっても、決して得策ではないはずだ。
スポンサードリンク
プロフィール
カイちゃん父親に花束を捧げる
タイのスラチャイです
妻はタイ人、娘ばかり３人も！ 
■近況
２００９年の９月１５日に脳梗塞を発症、右手が少し不自由になりました。
MRAで脳梗塞の部位を特定でき、素早い処置をとれたので大事に至りませんでした。
快復にむけてリハビリ中です。
(2011/01/01更新)
■自己紹介・リンク
[ はじめに ]
タイのスラチャイです。
英語学習に王道はありません。
毎日毎日の地道な努力の積み重ねが必要です。
スラチャイはＮＨＫのラジオ英語会話で現在の英語力を身につけました。
一日僅か１５分の学習でも数年間継続すれば相当な学習効果が期待できます。
[ 名前 ]
松井 清 （スラチャイ）
[ 略歴 ]
・福岡県出身
・国立高知大学卒業
・準大手建設会社に就職
・50歳で会社を早期退職
・99/10 タイ全土を旅行
・00/10 タイに移住
・03/07 カイちゃん誕生
・07/06 シーファーちゃん誕生
・現在タイ国コンケン在住
[ 座右の銘 ]
Slow and steady wins the race.
遅くとも着実な者が勝利する
（NHK基礎英語芹沢栄先生）
[ 学習の手引き ]
・音読して耳から英語を吸収
・Think in English.
・ネイティブ発音付辞書活用
・英英辞典を活用（英和も）
・翻訳和文で専門用語確認
[ English Newspapers ]
Yomiuri
Mainichi
Asahi
Japan Times
Washington Post
Newyork Times
Bangkok Post
The Nations
Phuket Gazette
[ 英字新聞の英和対訳学習 ]
英字新聞（読売）
英字新聞（毎日）
英字新聞（朝日）
英字新聞（朝日２）
[ スラチャイ編集の辞書 ]
タイ日辞書（改訂版）
日タイ辞書（改訂版）
ラオ日辞書
日ラオ辞書
[ 英字新聞リンク ]
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タイ語の母音
スラチャイ編曲のmidiのギター曲
スラチャイ編曲のJ.S.Bachです
スラチャイの多国言語学習
初歩のタイ語
初歩の中国語
初歩のラオス語
初歩のビルマ語
初歩のシンハリ語
初歩のタガログ語
タイ語の基礎
タイ文字
タイ日辞書
タイ語の副詞
タイ語の前置詞
タイ語の助動詞
タイ語の接続詞
基礎タイ語一覧（タイ文字、ローマ字）
seesaaサイト内リンク一覧：
01 あいさつ
02 別れのあいさつ
03 声をかけるとき
04 感謝の言葉と答え方
05 謝罪の言葉と答え方
06 聞き直すとき
07 相手の言うことがわからないとき
08 うまく言えないとき
09 一般的なあいづち
10 よくわからないときの返事
11 強めのあいづち
12 自分について述べるとき
13 相手のことを尋ねるとき
14 頼みごとをするとき
15 申し出・依頼を断るとき
16 許可を求めるとき
17 説明してもらうとき
18 確認を求めるとき
19 状況を知りたいとき
20 値段の尋ね方と断り方
21 急いでもらいたいとき
22 待ってもらいたいとき
23 日時・場所・天候を尋ねるとき
24 その他
基礎タイ語一覧(タイ文字、音声付き）
サイト外HPリンク一覧：
01 あいさつ
02 別れのあいさつ
03 声をかけるとき
04 感謝の言葉と答え方
05 謝罪の言葉と答え方
06 聞き直すとき
07 相手の言うことがわからないとき
08 うまく言えないとき
09 一般的なあいづち
10 よくわからないときの返事
11 強めのあいづち
12 自分について述べるとき
13 相手のことを尋ねるとき
14 頼みごとをするとき
15 申し出・依頼を断るとき
16 許可を求めるとき
17 説明してもらうとき
18 確認を求めるとき
19 状況を知りたいとき
20 値段の尋ね方と断り方
21 急いでもらいたいとき
22 待ってもらいたいとき
23 日時・場所・天候を尋ねるとき
24 その他
seesaa100 英字新聞s HPs ２
タイの文化一覧:
01 雨の日にも傘をささないタイ人
02 勉強熱心なタイ人女性たち
03 タイ人は敬謙な仏教徒
04 タイの市場
05 タイの食堂
06 タイ人は外食が大好き
07 果物王国タイランド
08 タイ人の誕生日
09 タイの電話代は高い
10 微笑みの国タイランド
1４の戒律（テラワーダ仏教戒律）
seesaaサイト内リンク一覧：
第０１番目の戒律
第０２番目の戒律
第０３番目の戒律
第０４番目の戒律
第０５番目の戒律
第０６番目の戒律
第０７番目の戒律
第０８番目の戒律
第０９番目の戒律
第１０番目の戒律
第１１番目の戒律
第１２番目の戒律
第１３番目の戒律
第１４番目の戒律
1４の戒律（テラワーダ仏教戒律）
サイト外HPリンク一覧：
１４の戒律解説
第０１番目の戒律
第０２番目の戒律
第０３番目の戒律
第０４番目の戒律
第０５番目の戒律
第０６番目の戒律
第０７番目の戒律
第０８番目の戒律
第０９番目の戒律
第１０番目の戒律
第１１番目の戒律
第１２番目の戒律
第１３番目の戒律
第１４番目の戒律
[ 英字新聞リンク ]
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[ HPリンク ]
HP2 srachai2000_2
Japanese for Thai students
タイ語学習サイト
ラオ日・日老辞書
cocolog 家族のアルバム
fc2 家族のアルバム
