スポンサードリンク
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Enhance international cooperation to guard peace
終戦７０年 平和の堅持へ国際協調貫こう
◆安保法案成立で抑止力の向上を◆
Aug. 15 this year marks the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II.
１５日は、７０回目の「終戦の日」である。
We should take this occasion to offer silent, sincere prayers for the repose of the souls of more than 3 million people who perished against their will in that terrible conflict, while renewing our resolve for peace.
先の大戦で心ならずも犠牲になった３００万人以上の冥福を静かに祈るとともに、平和への誓いを新たにしたい。
Mayor Tomihisa Taue of Nagasaki, in a Peace Declaration he issued on Aug. 9, made reference to the security-related bills, stating, “There is widespread unease and concern that ... the peaceful ideology of the Constitution of Japan [is] now wavering.” He went on to say, “I urge the government and the Diet to listen to these voices of unease and concern ... and conduct careful and sincere deliberations.”
長崎市の田上富久市長は９日の平和宣言で、安全保障関連法案に言及し、「憲法の平和の理念が、今揺らいでいるのではないかという不安と懸念が広がっている」と述べた。政府と国会がこの不安と懸念に耳を傾け、「慎重で真摯しんしな審議」を行うことも注文した。
Bills misunderstood
◆日米同盟は公共財だ
The set of security-related bills centering around endorsement of the exercise of Japan’s right of collective self-defense is aimed at ensuring Japan’s peace and security through strengthening defense cooperation between the Self-Defense Forces and U.S. forces and others.
集団的自衛権の行使容認を柱とする安保法案は、自衛隊と米軍などの防衛協力を強化し、日本の平和と安全を確保することを目指すものだ。
It is regrettable that the bills’ aim has been taken as meaning the exact opposite.
正反対の受け止めをされているのは残念である。
Japan in the past 70 years has never been involved in any war, including the period of Cold War between East and West and the post-Cold War days. This record was not achieved simply by the grace of the pacifism based on the Constitution.
日本はこの７０年間、東西冷戦時代もポスト冷戦期も戦争に巻き込まれなかった。これは、憲法の平和主義のお陰だけではない。
Of greater significance are efforts to found the SDF in 1954 to upgrade the country’s defense capabilities in a way better suited to the changing times, and to revise in 1960 the Japan-U.S. security treaty to steadily strengthen the bilateral alliance.
むしろ１９５４年に自衛隊を創設して、時代に即した防衛力を整備しつつ、６０年に日米安保条約を改定し、同盟関係を着実に強化してきたことが大きい。
The Japan-U.S. alliance has now been broadly recognized as an international public good conducive to stabilizing the Asian region as a whole.
日米同盟は今、アジア全体を安定させるための国際公共財として広く認知されている。
Examples illustrating the crucial importance of military might and deterrent power for the sake of defending a country’s territory and its populace are innumerable indeed, including the Korean War, the incursion by the former Soviet Union into Afghanistan, the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq and Russia’s invasion of Georgia.
朝鮮戦争や、旧ソ連によるアフガニスタンへの侵攻、イラクのクウェート侵略、ロシアのグルジア侵攻――。領土や国民を守る軍事力と抑止力の重要性を示す実例は枚挙にいとまがない。
A belief that peace can be secured merely by desiring “peace for all time” and “trusting in the justice and faith of the peace-loving peoples of the world” as stipulated in the preamble of the Constitution is no better than an idealistic theory that disregards the harsh realities of international relations.
憲法前文にある「恒久の平和を念願」し、「平和を愛する諸国民の公正と信義に信頼」するだけで平和が確保されるというのは、国際政治の冷徹なリアリズムを無視した理想論だろう。
Before the war, Japan withdrew from the the League of Nations, which was groping for ways of materializing the ideal of collective security, deliberately shattering the world order at that time.
日本は戦前、集団安全保障を模索した国際連盟を脱退し、世界秩序を破壊する側に立った。
After the war, this county, because of soul-searching about that wartime past, placed excessively strict constraints on the activities of the SDF.
戦後は、その反省から、自衛隊の活動を過度に抑制してきた。
There can be no denying that many Japanese, dependent on the United States for the nation’s security policy while blessed with peace and prosperity under the U.S.-led international order, have been apt to drift into a state of being unable to think about what should be done to secure the country’s peace and security.
米国主導の国際秩序による平和と繁栄を享受する中、安全保障政策を米国に依存し、思考停止に陥りがちだったことは否めない。
Record of trust
◆世界秩序を支える側に
The turning point came with the 1991 Gulf War. The SDF was dispatched after the fighting ended to conduct minesweeping operations and has since been involved in U.N. peacekeeping operations. The SDF built up a solid track record and steadily earned the trust of other nations.
転機は９１年の湾岸戦争だ。戦後の機雷掃海や国連平和維持活動に自衛隊を派遣して実績を積み、関係国の信頼を着実に得てきた。
The new security-related legislation, which will expand the international activities of the SDF, is an extension of this. As well as rectifying the previously overcautious interpretation of the Constitution, Japan must play its part as a nation willing to support the new international order and fulfill an appropriate level of responsibility.
自衛隊の国際活動を拡充する安保法案は、この延長線上にある。慎重過ぎた憲法解釈を適正化するとともに、新たな国際秩序を支える有志国の一翼を担い、応分の責任を果たさねばなるまい。
The United Nations, which will mark the 70th anniversary of its founding in October, is prone to dysfunction for reasons including the veto power held by the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council. It is often a stretch to say the United Nations is effectively playing a role in resolving international disputes.
今年１０月に創設７０年を迎える国際連合は、安全保障理事会の５常任理事国の拒否権などで機能不全に陥り易やすい。紛争解決に役割を十分果たしているとは言い難い。
At present, China is trumpeting its self-righteous logic in the East China and South China seas, where it is attempting to change the status quo through force. Russia is doing the same in Ukraine. Both of these nations, backed up by their massive military might, ignore international criticism of their behavior.
今、中国は東・南シナ海で、ロシアはウクライナでそれぞれ独善的な論理を振りかざし、力による現状変更を試みている。いずれも強大な軍事力を背景にし、国際社会の批判にも耳を貸さない。
For Japan, China’s military buildup and maritime expansion are serious problems. If China’s defense budget continues to grow at its current pace, in five years it will be more than four times the size of Japan’s defense budget; a decade from now, it will be almost seven times the size.
日本にとって、中国の軍備増強と海洋進出は深刻な問題だ。中国が現在のペースで国防費を伸ばせば、５年後には日本の４倍超、１０年後には７倍近くに膨らむ。
North Korea possesses several hundred ballistic missiles that can reach Japan. The threat of terrorism is spreading, as exemplified by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant extremist group.
北朝鮮は、日本を射程に収める弾道ミサイル数百発を保有する。過激派組織「イスラム国」などテロの脅威も拡散している。
To ensure Japan remains safe from these threats, it is essential to pass the security bills into law and strengthen multilayered cooperation with the United States, Australia and nations in Europe and Southeast Asia.
日本の安全を確保するには、安保法案を確実に成立させ、米国や豪州、さらに東南アジア・欧州諸国との重層的な連携を強化することが欠かせない。
Diplomacy and military affairs are closely connected with each other and form a complementary pair. Making it possible for the SDF to provide a seamless response to any situation will help prevent conflict from erupting and provide backing to support peaceful diplomacy that stabilizes the region.
外交と軍事は車の両輪として、相互補完関係にある。自衛隊による切れ目のない事態対処を可能にしておくことが、紛争を回避し、地域を安定させる平和外交を推進するための後ろ盾になろう。
Critics in some quarters have claimed the security-related bills will “make Japan a nation that can once again wage war” and “return the nation to the prewar days.” These assertions can only be described as twisted interpretations.
安保法案には、「日本を再び戦争できる国にする」「戦前に回帰するものだ」といった批判が一部にある。曲解と言うほかない。
Japan firmly pacifist
◆「戦争できる国」は曲論
Modern-day Japan is decisively different from prewar Japan in several ways. Now, Japan stands staunchly by the pacifism enshrined in the Constitution, rejects aggression and territorial expansion, and attaches great weight to international cooperation. Civilian control of the SDF remains firmly in place.
今の日本が戦前と決定的に異なるのは、憲法の平和主義を堅持し、侵略や国土拡張を否定して、国際協調を重視していることだ。文民統制（シビリアンコントロール）もしっかり確保されている。
Allowing the exercise of the right of collective self-defense, as stipulated in the new security-related bills, and expanding the SDF’s humanitarian and reconstruction support activities overseas and the logistic support it can provide to military forces of other nations, will all help reinforce international solidarity.
法案が定める集団的自衛権の行使容認や、海外における自衛隊の人道復興支援や他国軍への後方支援活動の拡充は、いずれも国際的な連帯を強固にする。
This is precisely why the overwhelming majority of nations — with the notable exceptions of China and South Korea, which have rifts with Japan over perceptions of history — highly regard and support the content of the legislation.
だからこそ、歴史認識を巡って日本と溝がある中国、韓国を除く圧倒的多数の国々が、法案内容を高く評価、支持しているのである。
Nations have extremely high expectations for the “proactive contribution to peace based on the principle of international cooperation” put forward by the administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.
安倍政権の「国際協調主義に基づく積極的平和主義」に対する各国の期待は極めて高い。
The prime minister should redouble his efforts to explain the significance and necessity of the security-related bills to the public and gain greater understanding of the legislation.
安倍首相は、安保法案の意義と必要性を国民に説明し、理解を広げる努力を倍加させるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 14, 2015)
Enhance international cooperation to guard peace
終戦７０年 平和の堅持へ国際協調貫こう
◆安保法案成立で抑止力の向上を◆
Aug. 15 this year marks the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II.
１５日は、７０回目の「終戦の日」である。
We should take this occasion to offer silent, sincere prayers for the repose of the souls of more than 3 million people who perished against their will in that terrible conflict, while renewing our resolve for peace.
先の大戦で心ならずも犠牲になった３００万人以上の冥福を静かに祈るとともに、平和への誓いを新たにしたい。
Mayor Tomihisa Taue of Nagasaki, in a Peace Declaration he issued on Aug. 9, made reference to the security-related bills, stating, “There is widespread unease and concern that ... the peaceful ideology of the Constitution of Japan [is] now wavering.” He went on to say, “I urge the government and the Diet to listen to these voices of unease and concern ... and conduct careful and sincere deliberations.”
長崎市の田上富久市長は９日の平和宣言で、安全保障関連法案に言及し、「憲法の平和の理念が、今揺らいでいるのではないかという不安と懸念が広がっている」と述べた。政府と国会がこの不安と懸念に耳を傾け、「慎重で真摯しんしな審議」を行うことも注文した。
Bills misunderstood
◆日米同盟は公共財だ
The set of security-related bills centering around endorsement of the exercise of Japan’s right of collective self-defense is aimed at ensuring Japan’s peace and security through strengthening defense cooperation between the Self-Defense Forces and U.S. forces and others.
集団的自衛権の行使容認を柱とする安保法案は、自衛隊と米軍などの防衛協力を強化し、日本の平和と安全を確保することを目指すものだ。
It is regrettable that the bills’ aim has been taken as meaning the exact opposite.
正反対の受け止めをされているのは残念である。
Japan in the past 70 years has never been involved in any war, including the period of Cold War between East and West and the post-Cold War days. This record was not achieved simply by the grace of the pacifism based on the Constitution.
日本はこの７０年間、東西冷戦時代もポスト冷戦期も戦争に巻き込まれなかった。これは、憲法の平和主義のお陰だけではない。
Of greater significance are efforts to found the SDF in 1954 to upgrade the country’s defense capabilities in a way better suited to the changing times, and to revise in 1960 the Japan-U.S. security treaty to steadily strengthen the bilateral alliance.
むしろ１９５４年に自衛隊を創設して、時代に即した防衛力を整備しつつ、６０年に日米安保条約を改定し、同盟関係を着実に強化してきたことが大きい。
The Japan-U.S. alliance has now been broadly recognized as an international public good conducive to stabilizing the Asian region as a whole.
日米同盟は今、アジア全体を安定させるための国際公共財として広く認知されている。
Examples illustrating the crucial importance of military might and deterrent power for the sake of defending a country’s territory and its populace are innumerable indeed, including the Korean War, the incursion by the former Soviet Union into Afghanistan, the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq and Russia’s invasion of Georgia.
朝鮮戦争や、旧ソ連によるアフガニスタンへの侵攻、イラクのクウェート侵略、ロシアのグルジア侵攻――。領土や国民を守る軍事力と抑止力の重要性を示す実例は枚挙にいとまがない。
A belief that peace can be secured merely by desiring “peace for all time” and “trusting in the justice and faith of the peace-loving peoples of the world” as stipulated in the preamble of the Constitution is no better than an idealistic theory that disregards the harsh realities of international relations.
憲法前文にある「恒久の平和を念願」し、「平和を愛する諸国民の公正と信義に信頼」するだけで平和が確保されるというのは、国際政治の冷徹なリアリズムを無視した理想論だろう。
Before the war, Japan withdrew from the the League of Nations, which was groping for ways of materializing the ideal of collective security, deliberately shattering the world order at that time.
日本は戦前、集団安全保障を模索した国際連盟を脱退し、世界秩序を破壊する側に立った。
After the war, this county, because of soul-searching about that wartime past, placed excessively strict constraints on the activities of the SDF.
戦後は、その反省から、自衛隊の活動を過度に抑制してきた。
There can be no denying that many Japanese, dependent on the United States for the nation’s security policy while blessed with peace and prosperity under the U.S.-led international order, have been apt to drift into a state of being unable to think about what should be done to secure the country’s peace and security.
米国主導の国際秩序による平和と繁栄を享受する中、安全保障政策を米国に依存し、思考停止に陥りがちだったことは否めない。
Record of trust
◆世界秩序を支える側に
The turning point came with the 1991 Gulf War. The SDF was dispatched after the fighting ended to conduct minesweeping operations and has since been involved in U.N. peacekeeping operations. The SDF built up a solid track record and steadily earned the trust of other nations.
転機は９１年の湾岸戦争だ。戦後の機雷掃海や国連平和維持活動に自衛隊を派遣して実績を積み、関係国の信頼を着実に得てきた。
The new security-related legislation, which will expand the international activities of the SDF, is an extension of this. As well as rectifying the previously overcautious interpretation of the Constitution, Japan must play its part as a nation willing to support the new international order and fulfill an appropriate level of responsibility.
自衛隊の国際活動を拡充する安保法案は、この延長線上にある。慎重過ぎた憲法解釈を適正化するとともに、新たな国際秩序を支える有志国の一翼を担い、応分の責任を果たさねばなるまい。
The United Nations, which will mark the 70th anniversary of its founding in October, is prone to dysfunction for reasons including the veto power held by the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council. It is often a stretch to say the United Nations is effectively playing a role in resolving international disputes.
今年１０月に創設７０年を迎える国際連合は、安全保障理事会の５常任理事国の拒否権などで機能不全に陥り易やすい。紛争解決に役割を十分果たしているとは言い難い。
At present, China is trumpeting its self-righteous logic in the East China and South China seas, where it is attempting to change the status quo through force. Russia is doing the same in Ukraine. Both of these nations, backed up by their massive military might, ignore international criticism of their behavior.
今、中国は東・南シナ海で、ロシアはウクライナでそれぞれ独善的な論理を振りかざし、力による現状変更を試みている。いずれも強大な軍事力を背景にし、国際社会の批判にも耳を貸さない。
For Japan, China’s military buildup and maritime expansion are serious problems. If China’s defense budget continues to grow at its current pace, in five years it will be more than four times the size of Japan’s defense budget; a decade from now, it will be almost seven times the size.
日本にとって、中国の軍備増強と海洋進出は深刻な問題だ。中国が現在のペースで国防費を伸ばせば、５年後には日本の４倍超、１０年後には７倍近くに膨らむ。
North Korea possesses several hundred ballistic missiles that can reach Japan. The threat of terrorism is spreading, as exemplified by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant extremist group.
北朝鮮は、日本を射程に収める弾道ミサイル数百発を保有する。過激派組織「イスラム国」などテロの脅威も拡散している。
To ensure Japan remains safe from these threats, it is essential to pass the security bills into law and strengthen multilayered cooperation with the United States, Australia and nations in Europe and Southeast Asia.
日本の安全を確保するには、安保法案を確実に成立させ、米国や豪州、さらに東南アジア・欧州諸国との重層的な連携を強化することが欠かせない。
Diplomacy and military affairs are closely connected with each other and form a complementary pair. Making it possible for the SDF to provide a seamless response to any situation will help prevent conflict from erupting and provide backing to support peaceful diplomacy that stabilizes the region.
外交と軍事は車の両輪として、相互補完関係にある。自衛隊による切れ目のない事態対処を可能にしておくことが、紛争を回避し、地域を安定させる平和外交を推進するための後ろ盾になろう。
Critics in some quarters have claimed the security-related bills will “make Japan a nation that can once again wage war” and “return the nation to the prewar days.” These assertions can only be described as twisted interpretations.
安保法案には、「日本を再び戦争できる国にする」「戦前に回帰するものだ」といった批判が一部にある。曲解と言うほかない。
Japan firmly pacifist
◆「戦争できる国」は曲論
Modern-day Japan is decisively different from prewar Japan in several ways. Now, Japan stands staunchly by the pacifism enshrined in the Constitution, rejects aggression and territorial expansion, and attaches great weight to international cooperation. Civilian control of the SDF remains firmly in place.
今の日本が戦前と決定的に異なるのは、憲法の平和主義を堅持し、侵略や国土拡張を否定して、国際協調を重視していることだ。文民統制（シビリアンコントロール）もしっかり確保されている。
Allowing the exercise of the right of collective self-defense, as stipulated in the new security-related bills, and expanding the SDF’s humanitarian and reconstruction support activities overseas and the logistic support it can provide to military forces of other nations, will all help reinforce international solidarity.
法案が定める集団的自衛権の行使容認や、海外における自衛隊の人道復興支援や他国軍への後方支援活動の拡充は、いずれも国際的な連帯を強固にする。
This is precisely why the overwhelming majority of nations — with the notable exceptions of China and South Korea, which have rifts with Japan over perceptions of history — highly regard and support the content of the legislation.
だからこそ、歴史認識を巡って日本と溝がある中国、韓国を除く圧倒的多数の国々が、法案内容を高く評価、支持しているのである。
Nations have extremely high expectations for the “proactive contribution to peace based on the principle of international cooperation” put forward by the administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.
安倍政権の「国際協調主義に基づく積極的平和主義」に対する各国の期待は極めて高い。
The prime minister should redouble his efforts to explain the significance and necessity of the security-related bills to the public and gain greater understanding of the legislation.
安倍首相は、安保法案の意義と必要性を国民に説明し、理解を広げる努力を倍加させるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 14, 2015)
英語学習教材として一番すぐれているのが読売です。
日英対訳で学習すれば数年でかなりのレベルまで到達できます。
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Let’s take to our hearts the lessons of history
戦後７０年談話 歴史の教訓胸に未来を拓こう
◆反省とお詫びの気持ち示した◆
We positively evaluate Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s statement to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II for clearly showing the new course Japan will take based on its remorse for the war.
先の大戦への反省を踏まえつつ、新たな日本の針路を明確に示したと前向きに評価できよう。
The statement was approved by the Cabinet on Friday.
戦後７０年の安倍首相談話が閣議決定された。
The statement is significant to convey to the world what Japan is doing. Explaining Japan’s perception of history properly in discussing its future will increase the trust and expectations of the international community in this country.
談話は、日本の行動を世界に発信する重要な意味を持つ。未来を語るうえで、歴史認識をきちんと提示することが、日本への国際社会の信頼と期待を高める。
In the prime minister’s statement, “aggression,” which is considered one of the keywords, was clearly specified.
首相談話には、キーワードである「侵略」が明記された。
Using ‘aggression’
◆「侵略」明確化は妥当だ
“Incident, aggression, war — we shall never again resort to any form of the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes,” the statement said. “With deep repentance for the war, Japan made that pledge.”
「事変、侵略、戦争。いかなる武力の威嚇や行使も、国際紛争を解決する手段としては、もう二度と用いてはならない」との表現である。「先の大戦への深い悔悟の念と共に、我が国は、そう誓った」とも記している。
It is significant that the prime minister has clearly admitted “aggression.” This means he has adhered to the views expressed in past statements made by Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the war’s end and by Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi on the 60th anniversary.
首相が「侵略」を明確に認めたのは重要である。戦後５０年の村山談話、戦後６０年の小泉談話の見解を引き継いだものだ。
Actions by the defunct Imperial Japanese Army after the 1931 Manchurian Incident were nothing but aggression. They also violated the 1928 General Treaty for Renunciation of War as an Instrument of National Policy, an international pact that prohibited any war except one for self-defense.
１９３１年の満州事変以後の旧日本軍の行動は侵略そのものである。自衛以外の戦争を禁じた２８年の不戦条約にも違反する。
Particularly, attacks on Jinzhou, a city in northeastern China, by Japan’s Kwantung Army in October 1931 were indiscriminate bombings of civilians without prior warning and constituted violations of the Hague Convention with respect to the Laws and Customs of War on Land. Targets of Japan’s air raids were expanded to Shanghai, Nanjing and Chongqing, significantly increasing the death toll of noncombatants.
特に、３１年１０月の関東軍による中国東北部・錦州攻撃は、民間人に対する無差別・無警告の空爆であり、ハーグ陸戦規則に反する。空爆は、上海、南京、重慶へと対象を拡大し、非戦闘員の死者を飛躍的に増大させた。
We must never forget that the then Japanese government allowed part of the military to act on its own and ignited the disastrous war.
一部の軍人の独走を許し、悲惨な戦争の発端を日本が作ったことを忘れてはなるまい。
“Politics must be humble to history,” the prime minister said at a press conference after reading the statement. “History must not be distorted with political or diplomatic intentions.”
首相は記者会見で、「政治は歴史に謙虚でなければならない。政治的、外交的意図によって歴史が歪ゆがめられるようなことは決してあってはならない」と語った。
This remark was pertinent.
的を射た発言である。
Admitting the objective fact of “aggression” is not a masochistic view of history nor will it disgrace Japan. Rather, it will increase the trust of the international community in Japan and overcome the doubts of some countries that Japan is engaged in “historical revisionism.”
「侵略」の客観的事実を認めることは、自虐史観ではないし、日本を貶おとしめることにもならない。むしろ国際社会の信頼を高め、「歴史修正主義」といった一部の疑念を晴らすことにもなろう。
Also, the statement said, “We shall abandon colonial rule forever and respect the right of self-determination of all peoples throughout the world.”
談話では、「植民地支配」について、「永遠に訣別けつべつし、すべての民族の自決の権利が尊重される世界にしなければならない」という表現で触れた。
As for people victimized in Japan or other countries by the war, the statement said, “I bow my head deeply before the souls of all those who perished at home and abroad. I express my feelings of profound grief and my eternal, sincere condolences.”
談話は、国内外で犠牲になった人々に対し、「深く頭こうべを垂れ、痛惜の念を表すとともに、永劫えいごうの、哀悼の誠を捧ささげる」と記した。
This wording, which partially follows that made by a German leader, amounts to an expression equivalent to an “apology” in the Murayama statement and others. Abe’s sincere feelings were fully conveyed.
ドイツ首脳の言葉を一部踏襲したもので、村山談話などの「お詫わび」に相当する表現だ。首相の真剣な気持ちが十分に伝わる。
Abe referred to the views of the Murayama statement and others by saying that “Japan has repeatedly expressed the feelings of deep remorse and heartfelt apology for its actions during the war,” adding, “Such a position articulated by the previous cabinets will remain unshakable into the future.”
談話は、日本が先の大戦について「痛切な反省と心からのお詫びの気持ちを表明してきた」として、村山談話などの見解に改めて言及した。さらに、「こうした歴代内閣の立場は、今後も、揺るぎないもの」と明記している。
Women’s rights
◆女性の人権を尊重せよ
Some neighboring countries may not be satisfied with the wording of the statement. Even so, this does not mean that the statement should avoid references to remorse and apology.
今回の表現では納得しない一部の近隣諸国もあろう。それでも、反省やお詫びに触れなくていい、ということにはなるまい。
It is important to convey the current thinking of Japan to the international community, including Europe and the United States, thereby expanding world understanding of Japan’s position.
欧米諸国を含む国際社会全体に向けて、現在の日本の考え方を発信し、理解を広げることこそが大切な作業である。
In this sense, it was reasonable for the Abe statement to express heartfelt gratitude toward the help extended by Europe, the United States and China, among others, in the postwar period.
その意味で、安倍談話が、戦後の日本に手を差し伸べた欧米や中国などに対する感謝の念を表明したことは妥当だろう。
The expression that “we will engrave in our hearts the past, when the dignity and honor of many women were severely injured during wars in the 20th century” is a reference to the so-called comfort women that was made out of consideration to South Korea.
「戦時下、多くの女性たちの尊厳や名誉が深く傷つけられた過去を、この胸に刻み続ける」との表現は、慰安婦を念頭に置いたもので、韓国への配慮だ。
As expressed in the statement, Japan is required to “lead the world in making the 21st century an era in which women’s human rights are not infringed upon.”
談話が表明したように、「２１世紀こそ、女性の人権が傷つけられることのない世紀とするため、世界をリードする」ことが、今、日本に求められている。
It also emphasized that those generations who have no connection with the war must not be “predestined to apologize.”
談話は、戦争とは何の関わりのない世代に「謝罪を続ける宿命を背負わせてはならない」とも強調している。
It is essential to draw the line on this issue so that Japan will not be called upon to apologize generation after generation. Understanding and self-restraint are called for on the part of China and South Korea in this regard.
この問題に一定の区切りをつけて、子々孫々にまで謝罪行為を強いられないようにすることが大切である。中国や韓国にも、理解と自制を求めたい。
Draw line on issue
◆次世代の謝罪避けたい
During the news conference afterward, Abe said efforts were made to compile the statement that “can share the views of as many people as possible.” It can be said that various thoughts about historical perceptions have been aligned and condensed considerably by the statement.
首相は記者会見で、談話について「できるだけ多くの国民と共有できることを心掛けた」と語った。歴史認識を巡る様々な考えは、今回の談話で国内的にはかなり整理、集約できたと言えよう。
Concerning the future course of Japan, the statement said, the country “will firmly uphold basic values such as freedom, democracy and human rights as unyielding values” while reflecting on the past “when Japan ended up becoming the challenger to the international order.”
談話は、日本が今後進む方向性に関して、「国際秩序への挑戦者となってしまった過去」を胸に刻みつつ、自由、民主主義、人権といった価値を揺るぎないものとして堅持する、と誓った。
Hoisting the flag of “Proactive Contribution to Peace,” Japan must contribute to the peace and prosperity of the world more than ever before. This Japanese stance has been supported widely by Europe, the United States and Southeast Asian countries.
「積極的平和主義」を掲げ、世界の平和と繁栄に貢献することが欠かせない。こうした日本の姿勢は、欧米や東南アジアの諸国から幅広く支持されている。
While listening to the “voices of history,” Japan must open itself to the future.
「歴史の声」に耳を傾けつつ、日本の将来を切り拓ひらきたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 15, 2015)
日英対訳で学習すれば数年でかなりのレベルまで到達できます。
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Let’s take to our hearts the lessons of history
戦後７０年談話 歴史の教訓胸に未来を拓こう
◆反省とお詫びの気持ち示した◆
We positively evaluate Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s statement to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II for clearly showing the new course Japan will take based on its remorse for the war.
先の大戦への反省を踏まえつつ、新たな日本の針路を明確に示したと前向きに評価できよう。
The statement was approved by the Cabinet on Friday.
戦後７０年の安倍首相談話が閣議決定された。
The statement is significant to convey to the world what Japan is doing. Explaining Japan’s perception of history properly in discussing its future will increase the trust and expectations of the international community in this country.
談話は、日本の行動を世界に発信する重要な意味を持つ。未来を語るうえで、歴史認識をきちんと提示することが、日本への国際社会の信頼と期待を高める。
In the prime minister’s statement, “aggression,” which is considered one of the keywords, was clearly specified.
首相談話には、キーワードである「侵略」が明記された。
Using ‘aggression’
◆「侵略」明確化は妥当だ
“Incident, aggression, war — we shall never again resort to any form of the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes,” the statement said. “With deep repentance for the war, Japan made that pledge.”
「事変、侵略、戦争。いかなる武力の威嚇や行使も、国際紛争を解決する手段としては、もう二度と用いてはならない」との表現である。「先の大戦への深い悔悟の念と共に、我が国は、そう誓った」とも記している。
It is significant that the prime minister has clearly admitted “aggression.” This means he has adhered to the views expressed in past statements made by Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the war’s end and by Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi on the 60th anniversary.
首相が「侵略」を明確に認めたのは重要である。戦後５０年の村山談話、戦後６０年の小泉談話の見解を引き継いだものだ。
Actions by the defunct Imperial Japanese Army after the 1931 Manchurian Incident were nothing but aggression. They also violated the 1928 General Treaty for Renunciation of War as an Instrument of National Policy, an international pact that prohibited any war except one for self-defense.
１９３１年の満州事変以後の旧日本軍の行動は侵略そのものである。自衛以外の戦争を禁じた２８年の不戦条約にも違反する。
Particularly, attacks on Jinzhou, a city in northeastern China, by Japan’s Kwantung Army in October 1931 were indiscriminate bombings of civilians without prior warning and constituted violations of the Hague Convention with respect to the Laws and Customs of War on Land. Targets of Japan’s air raids were expanded to Shanghai, Nanjing and Chongqing, significantly increasing the death toll of noncombatants.
特に、３１年１０月の関東軍による中国東北部・錦州攻撃は、民間人に対する無差別・無警告の空爆であり、ハーグ陸戦規則に反する。空爆は、上海、南京、重慶へと対象を拡大し、非戦闘員の死者を飛躍的に増大させた。
We must never forget that the then Japanese government allowed part of the military to act on its own and ignited the disastrous war.
一部の軍人の独走を許し、悲惨な戦争の発端を日本が作ったことを忘れてはなるまい。
“Politics must be humble to history,” the prime minister said at a press conference after reading the statement. “History must not be distorted with political or diplomatic intentions.”
首相は記者会見で、「政治は歴史に謙虚でなければならない。政治的、外交的意図によって歴史が歪ゆがめられるようなことは決してあってはならない」と語った。
This remark was pertinent.
的を射た発言である。
Admitting the objective fact of “aggression” is not a masochistic view of history nor will it disgrace Japan. Rather, it will increase the trust of the international community in Japan and overcome the doubts of some countries that Japan is engaged in “historical revisionism.”
「侵略」の客観的事実を認めることは、自虐史観ではないし、日本を貶おとしめることにもならない。むしろ国際社会の信頼を高め、「歴史修正主義」といった一部の疑念を晴らすことにもなろう。
Also, the statement said, “We shall abandon colonial rule forever and respect the right of self-determination of all peoples throughout the world.”
談話では、「植民地支配」について、「永遠に訣別けつべつし、すべての民族の自決の権利が尊重される世界にしなければならない」という表現で触れた。
As for people victimized in Japan or other countries by the war, the statement said, “I bow my head deeply before the souls of all those who perished at home and abroad. I express my feelings of profound grief and my eternal, sincere condolences.”
談話は、国内外で犠牲になった人々に対し、「深く頭こうべを垂れ、痛惜の念を表すとともに、永劫えいごうの、哀悼の誠を捧ささげる」と記した。
This wording, which partially follows that made by a German leader, amounts to an expression equivalent to an “apology” in the Murayama statement and others. Abe’s sincere feelings were fully conveyed.
ドイツ首脳の言葉を一部踏襲したもので、村山談話などの「お詫わび」に相当する表現だ。首相の真剣な気持ちが十分に伝わる。
Abe referred to the views of the Murayama statement and others by saying that “Japan has repeatedly expressed the feelings of deep remorse and heartfelt apology for its actions during the war,” adding, “Such a position articulated by the previous cabinets will remain unshakable into the future.”
談話は、日本が先の大戦について「痛切な反省と心からのお詫びの気持ちを表明してきた」として、村山談話などの見解に改めて言及した。さらに、「こうした歴代内閣の立場は、今後も、揺るぎないもの」と明記している。
Women’s rights
◆女性の人権を尊重せよ
Some neighboring countries may not be satisfied with the wording of the statement. Even so, this does not mean that the statement should avoid references to remorse and apology.
今回の表現では納得しない一部の近隣諸国もあろう。それでも、反省やお詫びに触れなくていい、ということにはなるまい。
It is important to convey the current thinking of Japan to the international community, including Europe and the United States, thereby expanding world understanding of Japan’s position.
欧米諸国を含む国際社会全体に向けて、現在の日本の考え方を発信し、理解を広げることこそが大切な作業である。
In this sense, it was reasonable for the Abe statement to express heartfelt gratitude toward the help extended by Europe, the United States and China, among others, in the postwar period.
その意味で、安倍談話が、戦後の日本に手を差し伸べた欧米や中国などに対する感謝の念を表明したことは妥当だろう。
The expression that “we will engrave in our hearts the past, when the dignity and honor of many women were severely injured during wars in the 20th century” is a reference to the so-called comfort women that was made out of consideration to South Korea.
「戦時下、多くの女性たちの尊厳や名誉が深く傷つけられた過去を、この胸に刻み続ける」との表現は、慰安婦を念頭に置いたもので、韓国への配慮だ。
As expressed in the statement, Japan is required to “lead the world in making the 21st century an era in which women’s human rights are not infringed upon.”
談話が表明したように、「２１世紀こそ、女性の人権が傷つけられることのない世紀とするため、世界をリードする」ことが、今、日本に求められている。
It also emphasized that those generations who have no connection with the war must not be “predestined to apologize.”
談話は、戦争とは何の関わりのない世代に「謝罪を続ける宿命を背負わせてはならない」とも強調している。
It is essential to draw the line on this issue so that Japan will not be called upon to apologize generation after generation. Understanding and self-restraint are called for on the part of China and South Korea in this regard.
この問題に一定の区切りをつけて、子々孫々にまで謝罪行為を強いられないようにすることが大切である。中国や韓国にも、理解と自制を求めたい。
Draw line on issue
◆次世代の謝罪避けたい
During the news conference afterward, Abe said efforts were made to compile the statement that “can share the views of as many people as possible.” It can be said that various thoughts about historical perceptions have been aligned and condensed considerably by the statement.
首相は記者会見で、談話について「できるだけ多くの国民と共有できることを心掛けた」と語った。歴史認識を巡る様々な考えは、今回の談話で国内的にはかなり整理、集約できたと言えよう。
Concerning the future course of Japan, the statement said, the country “will firmly uphold basic values such as freedom, democracy and human rights as unyielding values” while reflecting on the past “when Japan ended up becoming the challenger to the international order.”
談話は、日本が今後進む方向性に関して、「国際秩序への挑戦者となってしまった過去」を胸に刻みつつ、自由、民主主義、人権といった価値を揺るぎないものとして堅持する、と誓った。
Hoisting the flag of “Proactive Contribution to Peace,” Japan must contribute to the peace and prosperity of the world more than ever before. This Japanese stance has been supported widely by Europe, the United States and Southeast Asian countries.
「積極的平和主義」を掲げ、世界の平和と繁栄に貢献することが欠かせない。こうした日本の姿勢は、欧米や東南アジアの諸国から幅広く支持されている。
While listening to the “voices of history,” Japan must open itself to the future.
「歴史の声」に耳を傾けつつ、日本の将来を切り拓ひらきたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 15, 2015)
毎日新聞は英語版と日本語版とが、一致していない部分が多いので、英語学習教材としては、やや難がありますが、それでも大切な情報源です。
August 15, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Abe makes few references to South Korea in war anniversary statement
クローズアップ２０１５：首相７０年談話 歴史認識決着図る 随所に対中配慮
◇韓国への言及少なく
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe called for summit meetings with South Korean and Chinese leaders on Aug. 14 as his statement marking the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II is aimed at resolving the long-running standoff with China, South Korea and other countries over perceptions of wartime history.
安倍談話には、中国、韓国両国などとの間で歴史認識問題の決着を図る狙いがあり、安倍晋三首相は１４日、記者会見などで中韓両国に対し、首脳会談開催を改めて呼びかけた。
Nevertheless, while incorporating his consideration for China into many parts of the statement, Abe made only a few references to South Korea. The Japanese government is poised to carefully see how the two Asian neighbors will respond to the statement.
ただ、談話は、中国への配慮を随所に盛り込む一方、韓国については言及が少なかった。政府は両国の反応を慎重に見極める構えだ。
"Because South Korea is a neighboring country, we have various issues with them. But we must not shut the door for dialogue. Because there are issues, we should hold a summit meeting," Abe said on an NHK news program on the evening of Aug. 14.
「韓国は隣国であるがゆえにさまざまな課題があるが、対話のドアを閉ざしてはならない。課題があるからこそ首脳会談を開くべきだ」。安倍首相は１４日夜のＮＨＫのニュース番組に出演し、こう述べた。
On Japan's relations with South Korea, Abe emphasized that he had also given consideration to South Korea in the statement, saying, "I said in the statement that 'the dignity and honor of many women were severely injured.'" Abe incorporated his consideration for China in the statement with such passages as "the Chinese people who underwent all the sufferings of the war." But he made direct mention of South Korea only once in the statement along with other countries and regions such as Taiwan and China. Abe apparently tried to explain the "gap" in reference to China and South Korea in the statement.
さらに、日韓関係に関して「談話で『女性の尊厳が深く傷つけられた』と述べている」と語り、韓国に対しても配慮したとの姿勢を強調した。談話では、中国については「戦争の苦痛をなめ尽くした中国人の皆さん」など配慮した表現を盛り込む一方、韓国への直接の言及は台湾、中国などと並列で記述した１カ所にとどまっており、こうした「落差」を説明したとみられる。
The government is exploring the possibility of Abe visiting China in September and holding his first summit meeting with South Korean President Park Geun-hye. Abe said in a news conference after releasing the war anniversary statement, "I want the people of China to accept our country's frank feelings 70 years after the end of the war as they stand. If there is an opportunity of a summit, I would like to take advantage of it."
政府は首相の９月訪中や、朴槿恵（パククネ）韓国大統領との初の首脳会談の実現時期を探っている。首相は中国についても、会見で「中国の皆さんには、戦後７０年に当たってのわが国の率直な気持ちをありのままに受け止めていただきたい。首脳会談の機会があれば生かしていきたい」と語った。
Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida called his South Korean, British, French and Australian counterparts to explain the content of the statement. Administrative Vice Foreign Minister Akitaka Saiki met U.S., Chinese and South Korean ambassadors to Japan to convey the content of the statement. South Korean Foreign Minister Yun Byung-se was quoted as telling Kishida, "We will share the statement within the government of the Republic of Korea." Chinese Ambassador to Japan Cheng Yonghua was quoted as telling Saiki that he would convey it to the Chinese government.
岸田文雄外相は韓国、英国、フランス、オーストラリアの４カ国の外相に電話で談話の内容を説明。斎木昭隆事務次官も米中韓３カ国の駐日大使と会い、談話の内容を伝えた。韓国の尹炳世（ユンビョンセ）外相は「韓国政府内で共有する」と応じ、中国の程永華駐日大使は「本国に伝える」と述べたという。
A senior government official expressed confidence that China and South Korea would take the statement positively, saying, "It was thoroughly thought out." Another high-ranking government official said, "The word 'deep repentance' goes further than the expressions used in previous statements. If the Chinese and South Korean governments say something, they will be isolated."
政府高官は談話について「練りに練った内容だ」と語り、中韓両国に評価されるとの自信を表明。政務三役の一人は「『悔悟』は今までの談話より踏み込んでいる。ここまで書いて中韓両国が何か言えば、あちらの方が孤立するだろう」と語った。
On the evening of Aug. 14, Natsuo Yamaguchi, head of Komeito, the junior partner in the ruling coalition, told reporters, "There is a highly significant meaning in that a Cabinet decision was made to the effect that the position taken by the previous governments will be taken over and remain unshakable into the future while using such key words as aggression and colonial rule." On the fact that the key words used in the statement represent indirect expressions rather than those of Abe's own, Yamaguchi said, "It is clear that he pledged that Japan will never use force or threaten again."
国内では１４日夜、連立を組む公明党の山口那津男代表が記者団に「侵略や植民地支配などのキーワードを使って歴代内閣の立場を引き継ぎ、今後も揺るぎないと閣議決定したことは大変大きな意味がある」と評価。キーワードが首相自らの認識ではなく、間接的な表現である点にも「武力の行使や威嚇を二度と繰り返さないという誓いは明白だ」と理解を示した。
Hidetsugu Yagi, a conservative polemicist and professor at Reitaku University who is close to Abe, said on a BS NTV program on the evening of Aug. 14, "I want to rate it extremely high." He went on to say, "It relativized the statements by (then Prime Minister Tomiichi) Murayama and (then Prime Minister Junichiro) Koizumi and overwrote them. The Murayama statement has become just one of the statements issued by previous Cabinets and recovered by the Abe statement."
一方、首相に近い保守派論客の八木秀次・麗澤大教授は１４日夜のＢＳ日テレの番組で「極めて高く評価したい」と談話を激賞。「村山談話、小泉談話を相対化し、上書きした。村山談話は歴代内閣の一談話となって安倍談話に回収された」との認識を示した。
Those comments show that Komeito, which called for Abe to stick to the Murayama statement, and conservatives who called on Abe to relativize the Murayama statement, are both giving high marks for the Abe statement. A senior Komeito official said, "It is significant that conservative Prime Minister Abe said the statements by the previous Cabinets were 'unshakable into the future'." It is based on the view that particularly because Abe is seen as a conservative hardliner, he could rein in the backlash from conservatives even if he take a flexible stance.
村山談話の継承を求める公明党と「村山談話の相対化」を求めてきた保守層の双方が談話を評価したことになる。この点を、公明党幹部は「歴代内閣の談話を、保守の安倍首相が『今後も揺るぎない』と言ったのは大きい」と指摘した。保守強硬派と目されてきた安倍首相だからこそ、柔軟な対応を取っても保守層の反発を抑制できるとの理屈だ。
However, the government of Prime Minister Abe will have no option but to deal with difficult issues such as efforts to enact security-related bills, intensive negotiations over the relocation of the U.S. Marines' Air Station Futenma in Okinawa Prefecture and negotiations on the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade pact. Prime Minister Abe will also need to clear many other hurdles as the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) is to hold a leadership election in September, followed by a Cabinet reshuffle and the formation of a new lineup of LDP executives.
ただ、今後の安倍政権は、安全保障関連法案の成立や米軍普天間飛行場移設問題を巡る沖縄県との対立解消を目指した集中協議、環太平洋パートナーシップ協定（ＴＰＰ）交渉の合意実現などの難題に取り組まざるを得ない。９月には自民党総裁選も予定され、その後の内閣改造・党役員人事など、首相は越えなければならない多くのハードルに直面することになる。
August 15, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Abe makes few references to South Korea in war anniversary statement
クローズアップ２０１５：首相７０年談話 歴史認識決着図る 随所に対中配慮
◇韓国への言及少なく
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe called for summit meetings with South Korean and Chinese leaders on Aug. 14 as his statement marking the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II is aimed at resolving the long-running standoff with China, South Korea and other countries over perceptions of wartime history.
安倍談話には、中国、韓国両国などとの間で歴史認識問題の決着を図る狙いがあり、安倍晋三首相は１４日、記者会見などで中韓両国に対し、首脳会談開催を改めて呼びかけた。
Nevertheless, while incorporating his consideration for China into many parts of the statement, Abe made only a few references to South Korea. The Japanese government is poised to carefully see how the two Asian neighbors will respond to the statement.
ただ、談話は、中国への配慮を随所に盛り込む一方、韓国については言及が少なかった。政府は両国の反応を慎重に見極める構えだ。
"Because South Korea is a neighboring country, we have various issues with them. But we must not shut the door for dialogue. Because there are issues, we should hold a summit meeting," Abe said on an NHK news program on the evening of Aug. 14.
「韓国は隣国であるがゆえにさまざまな課題があるが、対話のドアを閉ざしてはならない。課題があるからこそ首脳会談を開くべきだ」。安倍首相は１４日夜のＮＨＫのニュース番組に出演し、こう述べた。
On Japan's relations with South Korea, Abe emphasized that he had also given consideration to South Korea in the statement, saying, "I said in the statement that 'the dignity and honor of many women were severely injured.'" Abe incorporated his consideration for China in the statement with such passages as "the Chinese people who underwent all the sufferings of the war." But he made direct mention of South Korea only once in the statement along with other countries and regions such as Taiwan and China. Abe apparently tried to explain the "gap" in reference to China and South Korea in the statement.
さらに、日韓関係に関して「談話で『女性の尊厳が深く傷つけられた』と述べている」と語り、韓国に対しても配慮したとの姿勢を強調した。談話では、中国については「戦争の苦痛をなめ尽くした中国人の皆さん」など配慮した表現を盛り込む一方、韓国への直接の言及は台湾、中国などと並列で記述した１カ所にとどまっており、こうした「落差」を説明したとみられる。
The government is exploring the possibility of Abe visiting China in September and holding his first summit meeting with South Korean President Park Geun-hye. Abe said in a news conference after releasing the war anniversary statement, "I want the people of China to accept our country's frank feelings 70 years after the end of the war as they stand. If there is an opportunity of a summit, I would like to take advantage of it."
政府は首相の９月訪中や、朴槿恵（パククネ）韓国大統領との初の首脳会談の実現時期を探っている。首相は中国についても、会見で「中国の皆さんには、戦後７０年に当たってのわが国の率直な気持ちをありのままに受け止めていただきたい。首脳会談の機会があれば生かしていきたい」と語った。
Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida called his South Korean, British, French and Australian counterparts to explain the content of the statement. Administrative Vice Foreign Minister Akitaka Saiki met U.S., Chinese and South Korean ambassadors to Japan to convey the content of the statement. South Korean Foreign Minister Yun Byung-se was quoted as telling Kishida, "We will share the statement within the government of the Republic of Korea." Chinese Ambassador to Japan Cheng Yonghua was quoted as telling Saiki that he would convey it to the Chinese government.
岸田文雄外相は韓国、英国、フランス、オーストラリアの４カ国の外相に電話で談話の内容を説明。斎木昭隆事務次官も米中韓３カ国の駐日大使と会い、談話の内容を伝えた。韓国の尹炳世（ユンビョンセ）外相は「韓国政府内で共有する」と応じ、中国の程永華駐日大使は「本国に伝える」と述べたという。
A senior government official expressed confidence that China and South Korea would take the statement positively, saying, "It was thoroughly thought out." Another high-ranking government official said, "The word 'deep repentance' goes further than the expressions used in previous statements. If the Chinese and South Korean governments say something, they will be isolated."
政府高官は談話について「練りに練った内容だ」と語り、中韓両国に評価されるとの自信を表明。政務三役の一人は「『悔悟』は今までの談話より踏み込んでいる。ここまで書いて中韓両国が何か言えば、あちらの方が孤立するだろう」と語った。
On the evening of Aug. 14, Natsuo Yamaguchi, head of Komeito, the junior partner in the ruling coalition, told reporters, "There is a highly significant meaning in that a Cabinet decision was made to the effect that the position taken by the previous governments will be taken over and remain unshakable into the future while using such key words as aggression and colonial rule." On the fact that the key words used in the statement represent indirect expressions rather than those of Abe's own, Yamaguchi said, "It is clear that he pledged that Japan will never use force or threaten again."
国内では１４日夜、連立を組む公明党の山口那津男代表が記者団に「侵略や植民地支配などのキーワードを使って歴代内閣の立場を引き継ぎ、今後も揺るぎないと閣議決定したことは大変大きな意味がある」と評価。キーワードが首相自らの認識ではなく、間接的な表現である点にも「武力の行使や威嚇を二度と繰り返さないという誓いは明白だ」と理解を示した。
Hidetsugu Yagi, a conservative polemicist and professor at Reitaku University who is close to Abe, said on a BS NTV program on the evening of Aug. 14, "I want to rate it extremely high." He went on to say, "It relativized the statements by (then Prime Minister Tomiichi) Murayama and (then Prime Minister Junichiro) Koizumi and overwrote them. The Murayama statement has become just one of the statements issued by previous Cabinets and recovered by the Abe statement."
一方、首相に近い保守派論客の八木秀次・麗澤大教授は１４日夜のＢＳ日テレの番組で「極めて高く評価したい」と談話を激賞。「村山談話、小泉談話を相対化し、上書きした。村山談話は歴代内閣の一談話となって安倍談話に回収された」との認識を示した。
Those comments show that Komeito, which called for Abe to stick to the Murayama statement, and conservatives who called on Abe to relativize the Murayama statement, are both giving high marks for the Abe statement. A senior Komeito official said, "It is significant that conservative Prime Minister Abe said the statements by the previous Cabinets were 'unshakable into the future'." It is based on the view that particularly because Abe is seen as a conservative hardliner, he could rein in the backlash from conservatives even if he take a flexible stance.
村山談話の継承を求める公明党と「村山談話の相対化」を求めてきた保守層の双方が談話を評価したことになる。この点を、公明党幹部は「歴代内閣の談話を、保守の安倍首相が『今後も揺るぎない』と言ったのは大きい」と指摘した。保守強硬派と目されてきた安倍首相だからこそ、柔軟な対応を取っても保守層の反発を抑制できるとの理屈だ。
However, the government of Prime Minister Abe will have no option but to deal with difficult issues such as efforts to enact security-related bills, intensive negotiations over the relocation of the U.S. Marines' Air Station Futenma in Okinawa Prefecture and negotiations on the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade pact. Prime Minister Abe will also need to clear many other hurdles as the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) is to hold a leadership election in September, followed by a Cabinet reshuffle and the formation of a new lineup of LDP executives.
ただ、今後の安倍政権は、安全保障関連法案の成立や米軍普天間飛行場移設問題を巡る沖縄県との対立解消を目指した集中協議、環太平洋パートナーシップ協定（ＴＰＰ）交渉の合意実現などの難題に取り組まざるを得ない。９月には自民党総裁選も予定され、その後の内閣改造・党役員人事など、首相は越えなければならない多くのハードルに直面することになる。
毎日新聞は英語版と日本語版とが、一致していない部分が多いので、英語学習教材としては、やや難がありますが、それでも大切な情報源です。
August 15, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Abe refrains from showing political stripe in anniversary statement
クローズアップ２０１５：首相７０年談話 安倍カラーを抑制 安保審議が誤算
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe refrained from explicitly exhibiting his political stripe in his statement on the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II due to a shaky political base as exemplified by declining approval ratings.
Abe had initially planned to play up a future-oriented message but opted instead to devote the bulk of his statement to perceptions of history in consideration of the potential effects on Diet deliberations on security bills as well as ties with junior coalition partner Komeito. But he did not mention as his own historical perceptions ''aggression,'' ''colonial rule,'' ''apology'' and other key words and phrases, which appeared in then Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama's 50th anniversary statement in 1995.
Many people had closely followed if Abe in his statement would mention four key words and phrases -- ''aggression,'' ''colonial rule,'' ''deep remorse'' and ''heartfelt apology.''
戦後７０年談話に盛り込まれるか注目されたキーワードは「侵略」「植民地支配」「痛切な反省」「心からのおわび」の四つだった。
Abe's statement did not quote a portion of the Murayama statement that says ''through its (Japan's) colonial rule and aggression, caused tremendous damage and suffering to the people of many countries, particularly to those of Asian nations.'' Instead, Abe said, ''Incident, aggression, war -- we shall never again resort to any form of the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes'' without elaborating on how he recognizes aggression. He also stated, ''We shall abandon colonial rule forever'' without making any reference to Japan's colonial rule of the Korean Peninsula.
安倍談話は、村山談話で「植民地支配と侵略によって、アジア諸国に多大の損害と苦痛を与えた」とした部分は引用しなかった。代わりに、「事変、侵略、戦争。いかなる武力の威嚇や行使も、国際紛争を解決する手段としては、もう二度と用いてはならない」と記述したが、侵略をどう認識しているかには触れなかった。「植民地支配」も「永遠に決別」と位置付けたが、韓国への「植民地支配」には踏み込まなかった。
As for ''remorse'' and ''apology,'' the prime minister declared that ''Such a position articulated by the previous Cabinets will remain unshakable into the future.'' But he did not issue an apology in his statement. He went on to say ''We must not let our children, grandchildren, and even further generations to come, who have nothing to do with that war, be predestined to apologize.'' This position appears to reflect the view of Abe and his aides and advisers, including Tomomi Inada, chairwoman of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)'s Policy Research Council who said Aug. 11 that she senses that something is not right for Japan to keep apologizing forever.
「反省」と「おわび」についても、「歴代内閣の立場は、今後も、揺るぎないもの」とはしたものの、自ら「おわび」する形にはならなかった。将来の日本人に「謝罪を続ける宿命を背負わせてはならない」との表現もあり、「未来永劫（えいごう）、謝罪をするのは違和感を覚える」（１１日、自民党の稲田朋美政調会長）という首相や首相周辺の持論を反映させたとみられる。
The Abe statement was a product of hard work as it contained essential words and phrases and took into consideration Komeito and neighboring countries as well as the right-wing element, Abe's main support base.
キーワードを盛り込み公明党や周辺国への配慮を示しつつ、首相の支持基盤である右派にも気を配る形になっており、談話作成に苦慮したことがうかがえる。
Abe is understood to have had no intention to mention ''aggression.'' Abe said during a meeting of the House of Councillors Budget Committee in April 2013 that his Cabinet would not inherit the Murayama statement per se. However, he said later that he would inherit the Murayama statement as a whole. He also said he sees no need to write another anniversary statement, suggesting he would prepare a statement to focus on the path Japan has taken over the past 70 years since the end of World War II and Japan's future.
そもそも首相には「侵略」などの表現を盛り込む意図はなかったとみられる。首相は談話について２０１３年４月の参院予算委員会で、「（村山談話を）安倍内閣としてそのまま継承しているわけではない」と答弁。その後は「全体として引き継ぐ」と修正したものの、「もう一度書く必要はないだろう」とも語り、戦後７０年の歩みと未来志向を中心に談話を構成する方針だった。
Abe had considered issuing a statement in a quiet atmosphere after winning passage of security legislation by early August. At one point, Abe had contemplated issuing a statement without a Cabinet decision to clearly mirror his own perception of history.
安保関連法案を８月上旬までに成立させた上で国会を閉じ、静かな環境で談話を発表するという段取りを描いており、首相自身の歴史観を反映しやすくするために、閣議決定をせずに談話を発表することも一時検討していた。
But parliamentary deliberations on the security bills have protracted. Three constitutional scholars told the House of Representatives Commission on the Constitution on June 4 that the security bills violate the postwar Constitution. Then, young LDP lawmakers, during a study session, made remarks about suppressing the media, causing the Cabinet's support rate to plunge.
誤算は安保関連法案の審議が難航していることだ。憲法学者３人が６月４日に衆院憲法審査会で、法案を「違憲」と発言。自民党若手勉強会での報道威圧発言問題なども起き、内閣支持率は下落。
The Abe government was forced to extend the Diet session through Sept. 27. In a Mainichi poll in July, the Abe Cabinet's disapproval rating topped the approval rating by a margin of 43 percent to 42 percent for the first time since the inauguration of the current Abe Cabinet in December 2012. The approval rating fell to 32 percent in a Mainichi survey in August.
国会会期の９月２７日までの大幅延長に追い込まれる中、７月の毎日新聞の世論調査では第２次安倍内閣発足後初めて、支持率（４２％）が不支持率（４３％）を下回り、８月では３２％にまで下がった。
For the Abe government and the LDP, Komeito's full-scale backing is essential amid dwindling support as they prepare for the upper house election next summer. The Abe government went along with Komeito's request for Cabinet approval because of the possibility that Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism Minister Akihiro Ota, a Komeito lawmaker, may be questioned in the Diet about perceptions of the Abe statement. There were also conservative LDP lawmakers loyal to Abe who demanded a 70th anniversary statement to be adopted by the Cabinet, like the Murayama statement.
支持率低下の中で来夏の参院選を控える政府・自民党にとって、政権運営には公明党の全面協力が不可欠。また、国会開会中の談話発表となれば、公明党の太田昭宏国土交通相が国会で談話への認識を問われる可能性もあり、公明党が求める閣議決定の判断に傾いた。首相を支持する保守系自民議員の間に、村山談話と「同格」の閣議決定を求める声が強かったのも影響した。
When Abe briefed Komeito leader Natsuo Yamaguchi during a meeting on Aug. 7 about a draft statement without referring to an apology, Yamaguchi asked Abe to issue a statement which conveys the inheritance of the previous prime ministerial statements to domestic and international audiences. Abe later telephoned Yamaguchi to say he will change the draft to include an apology. Abe also met U.S. Ambassador to Japan Caroline Kennedy on Aug. 10 and appeared to have sought her understanding.
公明党の山口那津男代表は７日の首相との会談で、「おわび」に言及しない談話の素案を示された際に、「歴代内閣の談話を継承した意味が、国内外に伝わるものにしてほしい」と注文。首相はその後、山口氏に電話で素案を変更すると伝え、引用の形で「おわび」を盛り込んだ。１０日にはケネディ駐日米大使とも官邸で面会し、談話への理解を求めたとみられる。
The prime minister had initially thought of issuing a future-oriented statement to demonstrate his leadership in foreign policy vis-a-vis China and South Korea and at home. But the fact of the matter is that he was forced to refrain himself in preparing the statement due to the aggravating climate surrounding his government.
首相には当初、未来志向の談話にすることで、中韓両国との外交や内政で自身の主導権を確立する狙いがあったようだが、政権を取り巻く環境悪化から抑制した表現にせざるを得なくなったというのが実情だ。
An LDP lawmaker said Prime Minister Abe's top priority is the enactment of the security legislation. If his statement were a radical one to irritate Komeito and China and South Korea, it would have affected Diet debate, the lawmaker said, adding Abe subsequently compromised because his administration is almost up against the wall.
自民党議員は「首相にとって最重要課題は安保法案の成立だ。公明党や中韓を刺激する過激な談話になれば審議に影響が出かねず、首相は妥協したのだろう。政権はそこまで追い込まれつつあるということなのだろう」と語った。
August 15, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Abe refrains from showing political stripe in anniversary statement
クローズアップ２０１５：首相７０年談話 安倍カラーを抑制 安保審議が誤算
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe refrained from explicitly exhibiting his political stripe in his statement on the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II due to a shaky political base as exemplified by declining approval ratings.
Abe had initially planned to play up a future-oriented message but opted instead to devote the bulk of his statement to perceptions of history in consideration of the potential effects on Diet deliberations on security bills as well as ties with junior coalition partner Komeito. But he did not mention as his own historical perceptions ''aggression,'' ''colonial rule,'' ''apology'' and other key words and phrases, which appeared in then Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama's 50th anniversary statement in 1995.
Many people had closely followed if Abe in his statement would mention four key words and phrases -- ''aggression,'' ''colonial rule,'' ''deep remorse'' and ''heartfelt apology.''
戦後７０年談話に盛り込まれるか注目されたキーワードは「侵略」「植民地支配」「痛切な反省」「心からのおわび」の四つだった。
Abe's statement did not quote a portion of the Murayama statement that says ''through its (Japan's) colonial rule and aggression, caused tremendous damage and suffering to the people of many countries, particularly to those of Asian nations.'' Instead, Abe said, ''Incident, aggression, war -- we shall never again resort to any form of the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes'' without elaborating on how he recognizes aggression. He also stated, ''We shall abandon colonial rule forever'' without making any reference to Japan's colonial rule of the Korean Peninsula.
安倍談話は、村山談話で「植民地支配と侵略によって、アジア諸国に多大の損害と苦痛を与えた」とした部分は引用しなかった。代わりに、「事変、侵略、戦争。いかなる武力の威嚇や行使も、国際紛争を解決する手段としては、もう二度と用いてはならない」と記述したが、侵略をどう認識しているかには触れなかった。「植民地支配」も「永遠に決別」と位置付けたが、韓国への「植民地支配」には踏み込まなかった。
As for ''remorse'' and ''apology,'' the prime minister declared that ''Such a position articulated by the previous Cabinets will remain unshakable into the future.'' But he did not issue an apology in his statement. He went on to say ''We must not let our children, grandchildren, and even further generations to come, who have nothing to do with that war, be predestined to apologize.'' This position appears to reflect the view of Abe and his aides and advisers, including Tomomi Inada, chairwoman of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)'s Policy Research Council who said Aug. 11 that she senses that something is not right for Japan to keep apologizing forever.
「反省」と「おわび」についても、「歴代内閣の立場は、今後も、揺るぎないもの」とはしたものの、自ら「おわび」する形にはならなかった。将来の日本人に「謝罪を続ける宿命を背負わせてはならない」との表現もあり、「未来永劫（えいごう）、謝罪をするのは違和感を覚える」（１１日、自民党の稲田朋美政調会長）という首相や首相周辺の持論を反映させたとみられる。
The Abe statement was a product of hard work as it contained essential words and phrases and took into consideration Komeito and neighboring countries as well as the right-wing element, Abe's main support base.
キーワードを盛り込み公明党や周辺国への配慮を示しつつ、首相の支持基盤である右派にも気を配る形になっており、談話作成に苦慮したことがうかがえる。
Abe is understood to have had no intention to mention ''aggression.'' Abe said during a meeting of the House of Councillors Budget Committee in April 2013 that his Cabinet would not inherit the Murayama statement per se. However, he said later that he would inherit the Murayama statement as a whole. He also said he sees no need to write another anniversary statement, suggesting he would prepare a statement to focus on the path Japan has taken over the past 70 years since the end of World War II and Japan's future.
そもそも首相には「侵略」などの表現を盛り込む意図はなかったとみられる。首相は談話について２０１３年４月の参院予算委員会で、「（村山談話を）安倍内閣としてそのまま継承しているわけではない」と答弁。その後は「全体として引き継ぐ」と修正したものの、「もう一度書く必要はないだろう」とも語り、戦後７０年の歩みと未来志向を中心に談話を構成する方針だった。
Abe had considered issuing a statement in a quiet atmosphere after winning passage of security legislation by early August. At one point, Abe had contemplated issuing a statement without a Cabinet decision to clearly mirror his own perception of history.
安保関連法案を８月上旬までに成立させた上で国会を閉じ、静かな環境で談話を発表するという段取りを描いており、首相自身の歴史観を反映しやすくするために、閣議決定をせずに談話を発表することも一時検討していた。
But parliamentary deliberations on the security bills have protracted. Three constitutional scholars told the House of Representatives Commission on the Constitution on June 4 that the security bills violate the postwar Constitution. Then, young LDP lawmakers, during a study session, made remarks about suppressing the media, causing the Cabinet's support rate to plunge.
誤算は安保関連法案の審議が難航していることだ。憲法学者３人が６月４日に衆院憲法審査会で、法案を「違憲」と発言。自民党若手勉強会での報道威圧発言問題なども起き、内閣支持率は下落。
The Abe government was forced to extend the Diet session through Sept. 27. In a Mainichi poll in July, the Abe Cabinet's disapproval rating topped the approval rating by a margin of 43 percent to 42 percent for the first time since the inauguration of the current Abe Cabinet in December 2012. The approval rating fell to 32 percent in a Mainichi survey in August.
国会会期の９月２７日までの大幅延長に追い込まれる中、７月の毎日新聞の世論調査では第２次安倍内閣発足後初めて、支持率（４２％）が不支持率（４３％）を下回り、８月では３２％にまで下がった。
For the Abe government and the LDP, Komeito's full-scale backing is essential amid dwindling support as they prepare for the upper house election next summer. The Abe government went along with Komeito's request for Cabinet approval because of the possibility that Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism Minister Akihiro Ota, a Komeito lawmaker, may be questioned in the Diet about perceptions of the Abe statement. There were also conservative LDP lawmakers loyal to Abe who demanded a 70th anniversary statement to be adopted by the Cabinet, like the Murayama statement.
支持率低下の中で来夏の参院選を控える政府・自民党にとって、政権運営には公明党の全面協力が不可欠。また、国会開会中の談話発表となれば、公明党の太田昭宏国土交通相が国会で談話への認識を問われる可能性もあり、公明党が求める閣議決定の判断に傾いた。首相を支持する保守系自民議員の間に、村山談話と「同格」の閣議決定を求める声が強かったのも影響した。
When Abe briefed Komeito leader Natsuo Yamaguchi during a meeting on Aug. 7 about a draft statement without referring to an apology, Yamaguchi asked Abe to issue a statement which conveys the inheritance of the previous prime ministerial statements to domestic and international audiences. Abe later telephoned Yamaguchi to say he will change the draft to include an apology. Abe also met U.S. Ambassador to Japan Caroline Kennedy on Aug. 10 and appeared to have sought her understanding.
公明党の山口那津男代表は７日の首相との会談で、「おわび」に言及しない談話の素案を示された際に、「歴代内閣の談話を継承した意味が、国内外に伝わるものにしてほしい」と注文。首相はその後、山口氏に電話で素案を変更すると伝え、引用の形で「おわび」を盛り込んだ。１０日にはケネディ駐日米大使とも官邸で面会し、談話への理解を求めたとみられる。
The prime minister had initially thought of issuing a future-oriented statement to demonstrate his leadership in foreign policy vis-a-vis China and South Korea and at home. But the fact of the matter is that he was forced to refrain himself in preparing the statement due to the aggravating climate surrounding his government.
首相には当初、未来志向の談話にすることで、中韓両国との外交や内政で自身の主導権を確立する狙いがあったようだが、政権を取り巻く環境悪化から抑制した表現にせざるを得なくなったというのが実情だ。
An LDP lawmaker said Prime Minister Abe's top priority is the enactment of the security legislation. If his statement were a radical one to irritate Komeito and China and South Korea, it would have affected Diet debate, the lawmaker said, adding Abe subsequently compromised because his administration is almost up against the wall.
自民党議員は「首相にとって最重要課題は安保法案の成立だ。公明党や中韓を刺激する過激な談話になれば審議に影響が出かねず、首相は妥協したのだろう。政権はそこまで追い込まれつつあるということなのだろう」と語った。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 15
EDITORIAL: Abe’s war anniversary statement falls way short of the mark
（社説）戦後７０年の安倍談話 何のために出したのか
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s statement to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II has left us wondering for what purpose and for whom it was written.
いったい何のための、誰のための談話なのか。
Issued Aug. 14, the statement falls grossly short as an accounting to sum up Japan’s modern history on the occasion of this landmark anniversary.
安倍首相の談話は、戦後７０年の歴史総括として、極めて不十分な内容だった。
The statement includes all of the terms that had been singled out as crucial elements and were the main focus of international attention: aggression, colonial rule, remorse and apology.
侵略や植民地支配。反省とおわび。安倍談話には確かに、国際的にも注目されたいくつかのキーワードは盛り込まれた。
But the statement somewhat obscures the fact that Japan was the country that committed the aggression and carried out colonial rule.
しかし、日本が侵略し、植民地支配をしたという主語はぼかされた。
The document referred to remorse and apology for the war only indirectly by mentioning the fact that past Cabinets expressed these sentiments.
反省やおわびは歴代内閣が表明したとして間接的に触れられた。
We feel strongly that the Abe administration did not have to issue, or rather, should not have issued this flawed statement.
この談話は出す必要がなかった。いや、出すべきではなかった。改めて強くそう思う。
BACKING DOWN FROM POSITION SET BY MURAYAMA
■「村山」以前に後退
The Abe statement struck us as an awkward compromise between the views about history held by him and his supporters and the hard and weighty historical facts.
談話全体を通じて感じられるのは、自らや支持者の歴史観と、事実の重みとの折り合いに苦心した妥協の産物であるということだ。
The statement issued in 1995 by Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama to mark the 50th anniversary of the end of the war has been internationally recognized as a document describing the Japanese government’s views about the nation’s wartime past. Its most important feature is that it clearly acknowledged Japan’s act of aggression and candidly expressed remorse for the nation’s past and apologies to peoples of Asian countries.
日本政府の歴史認識として定着してきた戦後５０年の村山談話の最大の特徴は、かつての日本の行為を侵略だと認め、その反省とアジアの諸国民へのおわびを、率直に語ったことだ。
In contrast, the Abe statement referred to Japan’s aggression in the following passage.
一方、安倍談話で侵略に言及したのは次のくだりだ。
“Incident, aggression, war--we shall never again resort to any form of the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes.”
「事変、侵略、戦争。いかなる武力の威嚇や行使も、国際紛争を解決する手段としては、もう二度と用いてはならない」
This declaration, in itself, is not wrong, of course. But this clearly represents a back down from the position set by the Murayama statement, which Abe himself had pledged to uphold.
それ自体、もちろん間違いではない。しかし、首相自身が引き継ぐという村山談話の内容から明らかに後退している。
Even a report drawn up by a panel of personal advisers to Abe appointed to offer advice over the war commemorative statement made a clear reference to Japan’s aggression on the Asian continent.
日本の大陸への侵略については、首相の私的懇談会も報告書に明記していた。
The new statement is also a back down from how past prime ministers of the Liberal Democratic Party who held office before the Murayama statement described Japan’s wartime behavior. These leaders said to the effect that there was no denying Japan’s aggressive acts, even if they didn’t use the word “aggression.”
侵略とは言わなくても「侵略的事実を否定できない」などと認めてきた村山談話以前の自民党首相の表現からも後退している。
Much the same is true with the issue of apology.
おわびについても同様だ。
Abe’s statement says, “We must not let our children, grandchildren and even further generations to come, who have nothing to do with that war, be predestined to apologize.”
首相は「私たちの子や孫に、謝罪を続ける宿命を背負わせてはなりません」と述べた。
Many Japanese certainly have the feeling of how long Japan has had to keep apologizing. On the other hand, China and South Korea have their reasons to keep demanding that Japan apologize.
確かに、国民の中にはいつまでわび続ければよいのかという感情がある。他方、中国や韓国が謝罪を求め続けることにもわけがある。
Although the Japanese government has expressed remorse and apology, ministers and other top government officials repeatedly made remarks that cast doubt over the government’s statements. Prime ministers and other politicians paid many visits to Tokyo’s Yasukuni Shrine, which honors Japan’s war criminals along with general war dead. Japan itself has done things that undermine the credibility of its own words.
政府として反省や謝罪を示しても、閣僚らがそれを疑わせる発言を繰り返す。靖国神社に首相らが参拝する。信頼を損ねる原因を日本から作ってきた。
SAD SPECTACLE OF FLIP-FLOPPING
■目を疑う迷走ぶり
If he wants to relieve Japan from the burden of having to keep apologizing, Abe, who is suspected by the international community to have biased views about history, should have gracefully offered his own apologies to end the cycle of negative sentiment that has been straining the relationship between Japanese and the peoples of other Asian nations. It is a pity that he failed to make that decision.
謝罪を続けたくないなら、国際社会から偏った歴史認識をもっていると疑われている安倍氏がここで潔く謝罪し、国民とアジア諸国民との間に横たわる負の連鎖を断ち切る――。こんな決断はできなかったのか。
Aside from the content of the statement, the political process leading to the release of the document was a depressingly sad spectacle of flip-flopping by the administration.
それにしても、談話発表に至る過程で見せつけられたのは、目を疑うような政権の二転三転ぶりだった。
Immediately after returning to power, Abe began expressing his desire to issue a “future-oriented statement fit for the 21st century.” His remarks indicated his intention to replace the history perceptions displayed by the Murayama statement with his own.
安倍氏は首相に再登板した直後から「２１世紀にふさわしい未来志向の談話を発表したい」と表明。村山談話の歴史認識を塗り替える狙いを示唆してきた。
As this move caused serious concern to not only China and South Korea, but also the United States, Abe tilted toward issuing only his personal statement without official Cabinet endorsement.
そんな首相の姿勢に中国や韓国だけでなく、米国も懸念を深め、首相はいったんは閣議決定せずに個人的談話の色彩を強めることに傾く。
But some close aides to Abe and Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner, voiced an objection to the idea, saying that such a statement would not represent the government’s official position.
Abe then decided to have the statement approved by the Cabinet after all. It was distressing to see the administration change its mind repeatedly on the milestone statement.
それでは公式な政府見解にならないと反発した首相側近や、公明党からも異論が出て、再び閣議決定する方針に。節目の談話の扱いに全くふさわしくない悲惨な迷走ぶりである。
Meanwhile, Western scholars as well as Japanese researchers called for Japan’s “unbiased” accounting of past wrongs. In opinion polls, a majority of Japanese also said the statement should acknowledge Japan’s “aggression” and other past wrongdoings.
この間、国内のみならず欧米の学者も過ちの「偏見なき清算」を呼びかけた。世論調査でも過半数が「侵略」などを盛り込むべきだとの民意を示した。
In the first place, whether it is approved by the Cabinet or not, the prime minister’s statement cannot be cast merely as his “personal view.”
そもそも閣議決定をしようがしまいが、首相の談話が「個人的な談話」で済むはずがない。
The statement is inevitably taken by the international community as Japan’s official view about its past based on the people’s collective will.
日本国民の総意を踏まえた歴史認識だと国際社会で受け取られることは避けられない。
After making a wrongheaded and miserably failed move to turn the statement into his personal credo, Abe pathetically ended up issuing a statement that is fuzzy about the responsibility for aggression and his intention to offer an apology.
それを私物化しようとした迷走の果てに、侵略の責任も、おわびの意思もあいまいな談話を出す体たらくである。
CONFUSED POLICY PRIORITIES
■政治の本末転倒
It is simply impossible for Abe to push through a major revision to the standard history perceptions that have been accepted by many Japanese and the international community by taking advantage of the ruling camp’s majority control of the Diet.
国会での数の力を背景に強引に押し通そうとしても、多くの国民と国際社会が共有している当たり前の歴史認識を覆す無理が通るはずがない。
Abe has been stressing the need to adopt a future-oriented attitude toward history. But making the present and the future better than the past requires coming to terms with the past.
From this point of view, there are still many problems concerning Japan’s past that have been left unsolved, despite the urgent need to settle them.
首相は未来志向を強調してきたが、現在と未来をより良く生きるためには過去のけじめは欠かせない。その意味で、解決が迫られているのに、いまだ残された問題はまだまだある。
The biggest of these problems concerns Yasukuni Shrine and the issue of how the government should mourn the war dead.
最たるものは靖国神社と戦没者追悼の問題である。
Diplomatic friction over Yasukuni has eased somewhat recently because Abe has not visited the Shinto shrine since the end of 2013.
But the issue will flare up immediately if he pays it another visit.
安倍首相が１３年末以来参拝していないため外交的な摩擦は落ち着いているが、首相が再び参拝すれば、たちまち再燃する。
Even so, there has been no notable political move toward finding a solution to this problem.
それなのに、この問題に何らかの解決策を見いだそうという政治の動きは極めて乏しい。
No political consensus has been reached on any possible solution to the issue of “comfort women.” There has also been no progress either on the problem of the past abductions of Japanese citizens by North Korea, with which Japan has no formal diplomatic relationship. Tokyo’s negotiations with Moscow for a settlement of the territorial dispute over the Northern Territories, a group of islands off Hokkaido controlled by Russia, have become bogged down.
慰安婦問題は解決に向けた政治的合意が得られず、国交がない北朝鮮による拉致問題も進展しない。ロシアとの北方領土問題も暗礁に乗り上げている。
While it has spent so much time and energy on a statement that did not have to be issued, the administration has done little to tackle these history related problems, which are crying out for effective political actions for solutions amid the aging of the Japanese and peoples of neighboring countries who experienced firsthand the ravages of war.
出す必要のない談話に労力を費やしたあげく、戦争の惨禍を体験した日本国民や近隣諸国民が高齢化するなかで解決が急がれる問題は足踏みが続く。
We cannot help but wonder for what purpose and for whom the administration is making its policy efforts. Its priorities are totally wrong.
いったい何のための、誰のための政治なのか。本末転倒も極まれりである。
The blame for this wretched situation should be borne by Abe himself.
その責めは、首相自身が負わねばならない。
EDITORIAL: Abe’s war anniversary statement falls way short of the mark
（社説）戦後７０年の安倍談話 何のために出したのか
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s statement to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II has left us wondering for what purpose and for whom it was written.
いったい何のための、誰のための談話なのか。
Issued Aug. 14, the statement falls grossly short as an accounting to sum up Japan’s modern history on the occasion of this landmark anniversary.
安倍首相の談話は、戦後７０年の歴史総括として、極めて不十分な内容だった。
The statement includes all of the terms that had been singled out as crucial elements and were the main focus of international attention: aggression, colonial rule, remorse and apology.
侵略や植民地支配。反省とおわび。安倍談話には確かに、国際的にも注目されたいくつかのキーワードは盛り込まれた。
But the statement somewhat obscures the fact that Japan was the country that committed the aggression and carried out colonial rule.
しかし、日本が侵略し、植民地支配をしたという主語はぼかされた。
The document referred to remorse and apology for the war only indirectly by mentioning the fact that past Cabinets expressed these sentiments.
反省やおわびは歴代内閣が表明したとして間接的に触れられた。
We feel strongly that the Abe administration did not have to issue, or rather, should not have issued this flawed statement.
この談話は出す必要がなかった。いや、出すべきではなかった。改めて強くそう思う。
BACKING DOWN FROM POSITION SET BY MURAYAMA
■「村山」以前に後退
The Abe statement struck us as an awkward compromise between the views about history held by him and his supporters and the hard and weighty historical facts.
談話全体を通じて感じられるのは、自らや支持者の歴史観と、事実の重みとの折り合いに苦心した妥協の産物であるということだ。
The statement issued in 1995 by Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama to mark the 50th anniversary of the end of the war has been internationally recognized as a document describing the Japanese government’s views about the nation’s wartime past. Its most important feature is that it clearly acknowledged Japan’s act of aggression and candidly expressed remorse for the nation’s past and apologies to peoples of Asian countries.
日本政府の歴史認識として定着してきた戦後５０年の村山談話の最大の特徴は、かつての日本の行為を侵略だと認め、その反省とアジアの諸国民へのおわびを、率直に語ったことだ。
In contrast, the Abe statement referred to Japan’s aggression in the following passage.
一方、安倍談話で侵略に言及したのは次のくだりだ。
“Incident, aggression, war--we shall never again resort to any form of the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes.”
「事変、侵略、戦争。いかなる武力の威嚇や行使も、国際紛争を解決する手段としては、もう二度と用いてはならない」
This declaration, in itself, is not wrong, of course. But this clearly represents a back down from the position set by the Murayama statement, which Abe himself had pledged to uphold.
それ自体、もちろん間違いではない。しかし、首相自身が引き継ぐという村山談話の内容から明らかに後退している。
Even a report drawn up by a panel of personal advisers to Abe appointed to offer advice over the war commemorative statement made a clear reference to Japan’s aggression on the Asian continent.
日本の大陸への侵略については、首相の私的懇談会も報告書に明記していた。
The new statement is also a back down from how past prime ministers of the Liberal Democratic Party who held office before the Murayama statement described Japan’s wartime behavior. These leaders said to the effect that there was no denying Japan’s aggressive acts, even if they didn’t use the word “aggression.”
侵略とは言わなくても「侵略的事実を否定できない」などと認めてきた村山談話以前の自民党首相の表現からも後退している。
Much the same is true with the issue of apology.
おわびについても同様だ。
Abe’s statement says, “We must not let our children, grandchildren and even further generations to come, who have nothing to do with that war, be predestined to apologize.”
首相は「私たちの子や孫に、謝罪を続ける宿命を背負わせてはなりません」と述べた。
Many Japanese certainly have the feeling of how long Japan has had to keep apologizing. On the other hand, China and South Korea have their reasons to keep demanding that Japan apologize.
確かに、国民の中にはいつまでわび続ければよいのかという感情がある。他方、中国や韓国が謝罪を求め続けることにもわけがある。
Although the Japanese government has expressed remorse and apology, ministers and other top government officials repeatedly made remarks that cast doubt over the government’s statements. Prime ministers and other politicians paid many visits to Tokyo’s Yasukuni Shrine, which honors Japan’s war criminals along with general war dead. Japan itself has done things that undermine the credibility of its own words.
政府として反省や謝罪を示しても、閣僚らがそれを疑わせる発言を繰り返す。靖国神社に首相らが参拝する。信頼を損ねる原因を日本から作ってきた。
SAD SPECTACLE OF FLIP-FLOPPING
■目を疑う迷走ぶり
If he wants to relieve Japan from the burden of having to keep apologizing, Abe, who is suspected by the international community to have biased views about history, should have gracefully offered his own apologies to end the cycle of negative sentiment that has been straining the relationship between Japanese and the peoples of other Asian nations. It is a pity that he failed to make that decision.
謝罪を続けたくないなら、国際社会から偏った歴史認識をもっていると疑われている安倍氏がここで潔く謝罪し、国民とアジア諸国民との間に横たわる負の連鎖を断ち切る――。こんな決断はできなかったのか。
Aside from the content of the statement, the political process leading to the release of the document was a depressingly sad spectacle of flip-flopping by the administration.
それにしても、談話発表に至る過程で見せつけられたのは、目を疑うような政権の二転三転ぶりだった。
Immediately after returning to power, Abe began expressing his desire to issue a “future-oriented statement fit for the 21st century.” His remarks indicated his intention to replace the history perceptions displayed by the Murayama statement with his own.
安倍氏は首相に再登板した直後から「２１世紀にふさわしい未来志向の談話を発表したい」と表明。村山談話の歴史認識を塗り替える狙いを示唆してきた。
As this move caused serious concern to not only China and South Korea, but also the United States, Abe tilted toward issuing only his personal statement without official Cabinet endorsement.
そんな首相の姿勢に中国や韓国だけでなく、米国も懸念を深め、首相はいったんは閣議決定せずに個人的談話の色彩を強めることに傾く。
But some close aides to Abe and Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner, voiced an objection to the idea, saying that such a statement would not represent the government’s official position.
Abe then decided to have the statement approved by the Cabinet after all. It was distressing to see the administration change its mind repeatedly on the milestone statement.
それでは公式な政府見解にならないと反発した首相側近や、公明党からも異論が出て、再び閣議決定する方針に。節目の談話の扱いに全くふさわしくない悲惨な迷走ぶりである。
Meanwhile, Western scholars as well as Japanese researchers called for Japan’s “unbiased” accounting of past wrongs. In opinion polls, a majority of Japanese also said the statement should acknowledge Japan’s “aggression” and other past wrongdoings.
この間、国内のみならず欧米の学者も過ちの「偏見なき清算」を呼びかけた。世論調査でも過半数が「侵略」などを盛り込むべきだとの民意を示した。
In the first place, whether it is approved by the Cabinet or not, the prime minister’s statement cannot be cast merely as his “personal view.”
そもそも閣議決定をしようがしまいが、首相の談話が「個人的な談話」で済むはずがない。
The statement is inevitably taken by the international community as Japan’s official view about its past based on the people’s collective will.
日本国民の総意を踏まえた歴史認識だと国際社会で受け取られることは避けられない。
After making a wrongheaded and miserably failed move to turn the statement into his personal credo, Abe pathetically ended up issuing a statement that is fuzzy about the responsibility for aggression and his intention to offer an apology.
それを私物化しようとした迷走の果てに、侵略の責任も、おわびの意思もあいまいな談話を出す体たらくである。
CONFUSED POLICY PRIORITIES
■政治の本末転倒
It is simply impossible for Abe to push through a major revision to the standard history perceptions that have been accepted by many Japanese and the international community by taking advantage of the ruling camp’s majority control of the Diet.
国会での数の力を背景に強引に押し通そうとしても、多くの国民と国際社会が共有している当たり前の歴史認識を覆す無理が通るはずがない。
Abe has been stressing the need to adopt a future-oriented attitude toward history. But making the present and the future better than the past requires coming to terms with the past.
From this point of view, there are still many problems concerning Japan’s past that have been left unsolved, despite the urgent need to settle them.
首相は未来志向を強調してきたが、現在と未来をより良く生きるためには過去のけじめは欠かせない。その意味で、解決が迫られているのに、いまだ残された問題はまだまだある。
The biggest of these problems concerns Yasukuni Shrine and the issue of how the government should mourn the war dead.
最たるものは靖国神社と戦没者追悼の問題である。
Diplomatic friction over Yasukuni has eased somewhat recently because Abe has not visited the Shinto shrine since the end of 2013.
But the issue will flare up immediately if he pays it another visit.
安倍首相が１３年末以来参拝していないため外交的な摩擦は落ち着いているが、首相が再び参拝すれば、たちまち再燃する。
Even so, there has been no notable political move toward finding a solution to this problem.
それなのに、この問題に何らかの解決策を見いだそうという政治の動きは極めて乏しい。
No political consensus has been reached on any possible solution to the issue of “comfort women.” There has also been no progress either on the problem of the past abductions of Japanese citizens by North Korea, with which Japan has no formal diplomatic relationship. Tokyo’s negotiations with Moscow for a settlement of the territorial dispute over the Northern Territories, a group of islands off Hokkaido controlled by Russia, have become bogged down.
慰安婦問題は解決に向けた政治的合意が得られず、国交がない北朝鮮による拉致問題も進展しない。ロシアとの北方領土問題も暗礁に乗り上げている。
While it has spent so much time and energy on a statement that did not have to be issued, the administration has done little to tackle these history related problems, which are crying out for effective political actions for solutions amid the aging of the Japanese and peoples of neighboring countries who experienced firsthand the ravages of war.
出す必要のない談話に労力を費やしたあげく、戦争の惨禍を体験した日本国民や近隣諸国民が高齢化するなかで解決が急がれる問題は足踏みが続く。
We cannot help but wonder for what purpose and for whom the administration is making its policy efforts. Its priorities are totally wrong.
いったい何のための、誰のための政治なのか。本末転倒も極まれりである。
The blame for this wretched situation should be borne by Abe himself.
その責めは、首相自身が負わねばならない。
Statement by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe
内閣総理大臣談話
Friday, August 14, 2015
平成27年8月14日
On the 70th anniversary of the end of the war, we must calmly reflect upon the road to war, the path we have taken since it ended, and the era of the 20th century. We must learn from the lessons of history the wisdom for our future.
終戦七十年を迎えるにあたり、先の大戦への道のり、戦後の歩み、二十世紀という時代を、私たちは、心静かに振り返り、その歴史の教訓の中から、未来への知恵を学ばなければならないと考えます。
More than one hundred years ago, vast colonies possessed mainly by the Western powers stretched out across the world. With their overwhelming supremacy in technology, waves of colonial rule surged toward Asia in the 19th century. There is no doubt that the resultant sense of crisis drove Japan forward to achieve modernization. Japan built a constitutional government earlier than any other nation in Asia. The country preserved its independence throughout. The Japan-Russia War gave encouragement to many people under colonial rule from Asia to Africa.
百年以上前の世界には、西洋諸国を中心とした国々の広大な植民地が、広がっていました。圧倒的な技術優位を背景に、植民地支配の波は、十九世紀、アジアにも押し寄せました。その危機感が、日本にとって、近代化の原動力となったことは、間違いありません。アジアで最初に立憲政治を打ち立て、独立を守り抜きました。日露戦争は、植民地支配のもとにあった、多くのアジアやアフリカの人々を勇気づけました。
After World War I, which embroiled the world, the movement for self-determination gained momentum and put brakes on colonization that had been underway. It was a horrible war that claimed as many as ten million lives. With a strong desire for peace stirred in them, people founded the League of Nations and brought forth the General Treaty for Renunciation of War. There emerged in the international community a new tide of outlawing war itself.
世界を巻き込んだ第一次世界大戦を経て、民族自決の動きが広がり、それまでの植民地化にブレーキがかかりました。この戦争は、一千万人もの戦死者を出す、悲惨な戦争でありました。人々は「平和」を強く願い、国際連盟を創設し、不戦条約を生み出しました。戦争自体を違法化する、新たな国際社会の潮流が生まれました。
At the beginning, Japan, too, kept steps with other nations. However, with the Great Depression setting in and the Western countries launching economic blocs by involving colonial economies, Japan's economy suffered a major blow. In such circumstances, Japan's sense of isolation deepened and it attempted to overcome its diplomatic and economic deadlock through the use of force. Its domestic political system could not serve as a brake to stop such attempts. In this way, Japan lost sight of the overall trends in the world.
当初は、日本も足並みを揃えました。しかし、世界恐慌が発生し、欧米諸国が、植民地経済を巻き込んだ、経済のブロック化を進めると、日本経済は大きな打撃を受けました。その中で日本は、孤立感を深め、外交的、経済的な行き詰まりを、力の行使によって解決しようと試みました。国内の政治システムは、その歯止めたりえなかった。こうして、日本は、世界の大勢を見失っていきました。
With the Manchurian Incident, followed by the withdrawal from the League of Nations, Japan gradually transformed itself into a challenger to the new international order that the international community sought to establish after tremendous sacrifices. Japan took the wrong course and advanced along the road to war.
満州事変、そして国際連盟からの脱退。日本は、次第に、国際社会が壮絶な犠牲の上に築こうとした「新しい国際秩序」への「挑戦者」となっていった。進むべき針路を誤り、戦争への道を進んで行きました。
And, seventy years ago, Japan was defeated.
そして七十年前。日本は、敗戦しました。
On the 70th anniversary of the end of the war, I bow my head deeply before the souls of all those who perished both at home and abroad. I express my feelings of profound grief and my eternal, sincere condolences.
戦後七十年にあたり、国内外に斃れたすべての人々の命の前に、深く頭を垂れ、痛惜の念を表すとともに、永劫の、哀悼の誠を捧げます。
More than three million of our compatriots lost their lives during the war: on the battlefields worrying about the future of their homeland and wishing for the happiness of their families; in remote foreign countries after the war, in extreme cold or heat, suffering from starvation and disease. The atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the air raids on Tokyo and other cities, and the ground battles in Okinawa, among others, took a heavy toll among ordinary citizens without mercy.
先の大戦では、三百万余の同胞の命が失われました。祖国の行く末を案じ、家族の幸せを願いながら、戦陣に散った方々。終戦後、酷寒の、あるいは灼熱の、遠い異郷の地にあって、飢えや病に苦しみ、亡くなられた方々。広島や長崎での原爆投下、東京をはじめ各都市での爆撃、沖縄における地上戦などによって、たくさんの市井の人々が、無残にも犠牲となりました。
Also in countries that fought against Japan, countless lives were lost among young people with promising futures. In China, Southeast Asia, the Pacific islands and elsewhere that became the battlefields, numerous innocent citizens suffered and fell victim to battles as well as hardships such as severe deprivation of food. We must never forget that there were women behind the battlefields whose honour and dignity were severely injured.
戦火を交えた国々でも、将来ある若者たちの命が、数知れず失われました。中国、東南アジア、太平洋の島々など、戦場となった地域では、戦闘のみならず、食糧難などにより、多くの無辜の民が苦しみ、犠牲となりました。戦場の陰には、深く名誉と尊厳を傷つけられた女性たちがいたことも、忘れてはなりません。
Upon the innocent people did our country inflict immeasurable damage and suffering. History is harsh. What is done cannot be undone. Each and every one of them had his or her life, dream, and beloved family. When I squarely contemplate this obvious fact, even now, I find myself speechless and my heart is rent with the utmost grief.
何の罪もない人々に、計り知れない損害と苦痛を、我が国が与えた事実。歴史とは実に取り返しのつかない、苛烈なものです。一人ひとりに、それぞれの人生があり、夢があり、愛する家族があった。この当然の事実をかみしめる時、今なお、言葉を失い、ただただ、断腸の念を禁じ得ません。
The peace we enjoy today exists only upon such precious sacrifices. And therein lies the origin of postwar Japan.
これほどまでの尊い犠牲の上に、現在の平和がある。これが、戦後日本の原点であります。
We must never again repeat the devastation of war.
二度と戦争の惨禍を繰り返してはならない。
Incident, aggression, war -- we shall never again resort to any form of the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes. We shall abandon colonial rule forever and respect the right of self-determination of all peoples throughout the world.
事変、侵略、戦争。いかなる武力の威嚇や行使も、国際紛争を解決する手段としては、もう二度と用いてはならない。植民地支配から永遠に訣別し、すべての民族の自決の権利が尊重される世界にしなければならない。
With deep repentance for the war, Japan made that pledge. Upon it, we have created a free and democratic country, abided by the rule of law, and consistently upheld that pledge never to wage a war again. While taking silent pride in the path we have walked as a peace-loving nation for as long as seventy years, we remain determined never to deviate from this steadfast course.
先の大戦への深い悔悟の念と共に、我が国は、そう誓いました。自由で民主的な国を創り上げ、法の支配を重んじ、ひたすら不戦の誓いを堅持してまいりました。七十年間に及ぶ平和国家としての歩みに、私たちは、静かな誇りを抱きながら、この不動の方針を、これからも貫いてまいります。
Japan has repeatedly expressed the feelings of deep remorse and heartfelt apology for its actions during the war. In order to manifest such feelings through concrete actions, we have engraved in our hearts the histories of suffering of the people in Asia as our neighbours: those in Southeast Asian countries such as Indonesia and the Philippines, and Taiwan, the Republic of Korea and China, among others; and we have consistently devoted ourselves to the peace and prosperity of the region since the end of the war.
我が国は、先の大戦における行いについて、繰り返し、痛切な反省と心からのお詫びの気持ちを表明してきました。その思いを実際の行動で示すため、インドネシア、フィリピンはじめ東南アジアの国々、台湾、韓国、中国など、隣人であるアジアの人々が歩んできた苦難の歴史を胸に刻み、戦後一貫して、その平和と繁栄のために力を尽くしてきました。
Such position articulated by the previous cabinets will remain unshakable into the future.
こうした歴代内閣の立場は、今後も、揺るぎないものであります。
However, no matter what kind of efforts we may make, the sorrows of those who lost their family members and the painful memories of those who underwent immense sufferings by the destruction of war will never be healed.
ただ、私たちがいかなる努力を尽くそうとも、家族を失った方々の悲しみ、戦禍によって塗炭の苦しみを味わった人々の辛い記憶は、これからも、決して癒えることはないでしょう。
Thus, we must take to heart the following.
ですから、私たちは、心に留めなければなりません。
The fact that more than six million Japanese repatriates managed to come home safely after the war from various parts of the Asia-Pacific and became the driving force behind Japan’s postwar reconstruction; the fact that nearly three thousand Japanese children left behind in China were able to grow up there and set foot on the soil of their homeland again; and the fact that former POWs of the United States, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Australia and other nations have visited Japan for many years to continue praying for the souls of the war dead on both sides.
戦後、六百万人を超える引揚者が、アジア太平洋の各地から無事帰還でき、日本再建の原動力となった事実を。中国に置き去りにされた三千人近い日本人の子どもたちが、無事成長し、再び祖国の土を踏むことができた事実を。米国や英国、オランダ、豪州などの元捕虜の皆さんが、長年にわたり、日本を訪れ、互いの戦死者のために慰霊を続けてくれている事実を。
How much emotional struggle must have existed and what great efforts must have been necessary for the Chinese people who underwent all the sufferings of the war and for the former POWs who experienced unbearable sufferings caused by the Japanese military in order for them to be so tolerant nevertheless?
戦争の苦痛を嘗め尽くした中国人の皆さんや、日本軍によって耐え難い苦痛を受けた元捕虜の皆さんが、それほど寛容であるためには、どれほどの心の葛藤があり、いかほどの努力が必要であったか。
That is what we must turn our thoughts to reflect upon.
そのことに、私たちは、思いを致さなければなりません。
Thanks to such manifestation of tolerance, Japan was able to return to the international community in the postwar era. Taking this opportunity of the 70th anniversary of the end of the war, Japan would like to express its heartfelt gratitude to all the nations and all the people who made every effort for reconciliation.
寛容の心によって、日本は、戦後、国際社会に復帰することができました。戦後七十年のこの機にあたり、我が国は、和解のために力を尽くしてくださった、すべての国々、すべての方々に、心からの感謝の気持ちを表したいと思います。
In Japan, the postwar generations now exceed eighty per cent of its population. We must not let our children, grandchildren, and even further generations to come, who have nothing to do with that war, be predestined to apologize. Still, even so, we Japanese, across generations, must squarely face the history of the past. We have the responsibility to inherit the past, in all humbleness, and pass it on to the future.
日本では、戦後生まれの世代が、今や、人口の八割を超えています。あの戦争には何ら関わりのない、私たちの子や孫、そしてその先の世代の子どもたちに、謝罪を続ける宿命を背負わせてはなりません。しかし、それでもなお、私たち日本人は、世代を超えて、過去の歴史に真正面から向き合わなければなりません。謙虚な気持ちで、過去を受け継ぎ、未来へと引き渡す責任があります。
Our parents’ and grandparents’ generations were able to survive in a devastated land in sheer poverty after the war. The future they brought about is the one our current generation inherited and the one we will hand down to the next generation. Together with the tireless efforts of our predecessors, this has only been possible through the goodwill and assistance extended to us that transcended hatred by a truly large number of countries, such as the United States, Australia, and European nations, which Japan had fiercely fought against as enemies.
私たちの親、そのまた親の世代が、戦後の焼け野原、貧しさのどん底の中で、命をつなぐことができた。そして、現在の私たちの世代、さらに次の世代へと、未来をつないでいくことができる。それは、先人たちのたゆまぬ努力と共に、敵として熾烈に戦った、米国、豪州、欧州諸国をはじめ、本当にたくさんの国々から、恩讐を越えて、善意と支援の手が差しのべられたおかげであります。
We must pass this down from generation to generation into the future. We have the great responsibility to take the lessons of history deeply into our hearts, to carve out a better future, and to make all possible efforts for the peace and prosperity of Asia and the world.
そのことを、私たちは、未来へと語り継いでいかなければならない。歴史の教訓を深く胸に刻み、より良い未来を切り拓いていく、アジア、そして世界の平和と繁栄に力を尽くす。その大きな責任があります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when Japan attempted to break its deadlock with force. Upon this reflection, Japan will continue to firmly uphold the principle that any disputes must be settled peacefully and diplomatically based on the respect for the rule of law and not through the use of force, and to reach out to other countries in the world to do the same. As the only country to have ever suffered the devastation of atomic bombings during war, Japan will fulfil its responsibility in the international community, aiming at the non-proliferation and ultimate abolition of nuclear weapons.
私たちは、自らの行き詰まりを力によって打開しようとした過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、いかなる紛争も、法の支配を尊重し、力の行使ではなく、平和的・外交的に解決すべきである。この原則を、これからも堅く守り、世界の国々にも働きかけてまいります。唯一の戦争被爆国として、核兵器の不拡散と究極の廃絶を目指し、国際社会でその責任を果たしてまいります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when the dignity and honour of many women were severely injured during wars in the 20th century. Upon this reflection, Japan wishes to be a country always at the side of such women’s injured hearts. Japan will lead the world in making the 21st century an era in which women’s human rights are not infringed upon.
私たちは、二十世紀において、戦時下、多くの女性たちの尊厳や名誉が深く傷つけられた過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、そうした女性たちの心に、常に寄り添う国でありたい。二十一世紀こそ、女性の人権が傷つけられることのない世紀とするため、世界をリードしてまいります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when forming economic blocs made the seeds of conflict thrive. Upon this reflection, Japan will continue to develop a free, fair and open international economic system that will not be influenced by the arbitrary intentions of any nation. We will strengthen assistance for developing countries, and lead the world toward further prosperity. Prosperity is the very foundation for peace. Japan will make even greater efforts to fight against poverty, which also serves as a hotbed of violence, and to provide opportunities for medical services, education, and self-reliance to all the people in the world.
私たちは、経済のブロック化が紛争の芽を育てた過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、いかなる国の恣意にも左右されない、自由で、公正で、開かれた国際経済システムを発展させ、途上国支援を強化し、世界の更なる繁栄を牽引してまいります。繁栄こそ、平和の礎です。暴力の温床ともなる貧困に立ち向かい、世界のあらゆる人々に、医療と教育、自立の機会を提供するため、一層、力を尽くしてまいります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when Japan ended up becoming a challenger to the international order. Upon this reflection, Japan will firmly uphold basic values such as freedom, democracy, and human rights as unyielding values and, by working hand in hand with countries that share such values, hoist the flag of “Proactive Contribution to Peace,” and contribute to the peace and prosperity of the world more than ever before.
私たちは、国際秩序への挑戦者となってしまった過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、自由、民主主義、人権といった基本的価値を揺るぎないものとして堅持し、その価値を共有する国々と手を携えて、「積極的平和主義」の旗を高く掲げ、世界の平和と繁栄にこれまで以上に貢献してまいります。
Heading toward the 80th, the 90th and the centennial anniversary of the end of the war, we are determined to create such a Japan together with the Japanese people.
終戦八十年、九十年、さらには百年に向けて、そのような日本を、国民の皆様と共に創り上げていく。その決意であります。
August 14, 2015
平成二十七年八月十四日
Shinzo Abe, Prime Minister of Japan
内閣総理大臣 安倍 晋三
内閣総理大臣談話
Friday, August 14, 2015
平成27年8月14日
On the 70th anniversary of the end of the war, we must calmly reflect upon the road to war, the path we have taken since it ended, and the era of the 20th century. We must learn from the lessons of history the wisdom for our future.
終戦七十年を迎えるにあたり、先の大戦への道のり、戦後の歩み、二十世紀という時代を、私たちは、心静かに振り返り、その歴史の教訓の中から、未来への知恵を学ばなければならないと考えます。
More than one hundred years ago, vast colonies possessed mainly by the Western powers stretched out across the world. With their overwhelming supremacy in technology, waves of colonial rule surged toward Asia in the 19th century. There is no doubt that the resultant sense of crisis drove Japan forward to achieve modernization. Japan built a constitutional government earlier than any other nation in Asia. The country preserved its independence throughout. The Japan-Russia War gave encouragement to many people under colonial rule from Asia to Africa.
百年以上前の世界には、西洋諸国を中心とした国々の広大な植民地が、広がっていました。圧倒的な技術優位を背景に、植民地支配の波は、十九世紀、アジアにも押し寄せました。その危機感が、日本にとって、近代化の原動力となったことは、間違いありません。アジアで最初に立憲政治を打ち立て、独立を守り抜きました。日露戦争は、植民地支配のもとにあった、多くのアジアやアフリカの人々を勇気づけました。
After World War I, which embroiled the world, the movement for self-determination gained momentum and put brakes on colonization that had been underway. It was a horrible war that claimed as many as ten million lives. With a strong desire for peace stirred in them, people founded the League of Nations and brought forth the General Treaty for Renunciation of War. There emerged in the international community a new tide of outlawing war itself.
世界を巻き込んだ第一次世界大戦を経て、民族自決の動きが広がり、それまでの植民地化にブレーキがかかりました。この戦争は、一千万人もの戦死者を出す、悲惨な戦争でありました。人々は「平和」を強く願い、国際連盟を創設し、不戦条約を生み出しました。戦争自体を違法化する、新たな国際社会の潮流が生まれました。
At the beginning, Japan, too, kept steps with other nations. However, with the Great Depression setting in and the Western countries launching economic blocs by involving colonial economies, Japan's economy suffered a major blow. In such circumstances, Japan's sense of isolation deepened and it attempted to overcome its diplomatic and economic deadlock through the use of force. Its domestic political system could not serve as a brake to stop such attempts. In this way, Japan lost sight of the overall trends in the world.
当初は、日本も足並みを揃えました。しかし、世界恐慌が発生し、欧米諸国が、植民地経済を巻き込んだ、経済のブロック化を進めると、日本経済は大きな打撃を受けました。その中で日本は、孤立感を深め、外交的、経済的な行き詰まりを、力の行使によって解決しようと試みました。国内の政治システムは、その歯止めたりえなかった。こうして、日本は、世界の大勢を見失っていきました。
With the Manchurian Incident, followed by the withdrawal from the League of Nations, Japan gradually transformed itself into a challenger to the new international order that the international community sought to establish after tremendous sacrifices. Japan took the wrong course and advanced along the road to war.
満州事変、そして国際連盟からの脱退。日本は、次第に、国際社会が壮絶な犠牲の上に築こうとした「新しい国際秩序」への「挑戦者」となっていった。進むべき針路を誤り、戦争への道を進んで行きました。
And, seventy years ago, Japan was defeated.
そして七十年前。日本は、敗戦しました。
On the 70th anniversary of the end of the war, I bow my head deeply before the souls of all those who perished both at home and abroad. I express my feelings of profound grief and my eternal, sincere condolences.
戦後七十年にあたり、国内外に斃れたすべての人々の命の前に、深く頭を垂れ、痛惜の念を表すとともに、永劫の、哀悼の誠を捧げます。
More than three million of our compatriots lost their lives during the war: on the battlefields worrying about the future of their homeland and wishing for the happiness of their families; in remote foreign countries after the war, in extreme cold or heat, suffering from starvation and disease. The atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the air raids on Tokyo and other cities, and the ground battles in Okinawa, among others, took a heavy toll among ordinary citizens without mercy.
先の大戦では、三百万余の同胞の命が失われました。祖国の行く末を案じ、家族の幸せを願いながら、戦陣に散った方々。終戦後、酷寒の、あるいは灼熱の、遠い異郷の地にあって、飢えや病に苦しみ、亡くなられた方々。広島や長崎での原爆投下、東京をはじめ各都市での爆撃、沖縄における地上戦などによって、たくさんの市井の人々が、無残にも犠牲となりました。
Also in countries that fought against Japan, countless lives were lost among young people with promising futures. In China, Southeast Asia, the Pacific islands and elsewhere that became the battlefields, numerous innocent citizens suffered and fell victim to battles as well as hardships such as severe deprivation of food. We must never forget that there were women behind the battlefields whose honour and dignity were severely injured.
戦火を交えた国々でも、将来ある若者たちの命が、数知れず失われました。中国、東南アジア、太平洋の島々など、戦場となった地域では、戦闘のみならず、食糧難などにより、多くの無辜の民が苦しみ、犠牲となりました。戦場の陰には、深く名誉と尊厳を傷つけられた女性たちがいたことも、忘れてはなりません。
Upon the innocent people did our country inflict immeasurable damage and suffering. History is harsh. What is done cannot be undone. Each and every one of them had his or her life, dream, and beloved family. When I squarely contemplate this obvious fact, even now, I find myself speechless and my heart is rent with the utmost grief.
何の罪もない人々に、計り知れない損害と苦痛を、我が国が与えた事実。歴史とは実に取り返しのつかない、苛烈なものです。一人ひとりに、それぞれの人生があり、夢があり、愛する家族があった。この当然の事実をかみしめる時、今なお、言葉を失い、ただただ、断腸の念を禁じ得ません。
The peace we enjoy today exists only upon such precious sacrifices. And therein lies the origin of postwar Japan.
これほどまでの尊い犠牲の上に、現在の平和がある。これが、戦後日本の原点であります。
We must never again repeat the devastation of war.
二度と戦争の惨禍を繰り返してはならない。
Incident, aggression, war -- we shall never again resort to any form of the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes. We shall abandon colonial rule forever and respect the right of self-determination of all peoples throughout the world.
事変、侵略、戦争。いかなる武力の威嚇や行使も、国際紛争を解決する手段としては、もう二度と用いてはならない。植民地支配から永遠に訣別し、すべての民族の自決の権利が尊重される世界にしなければならない。
With deep repentance for the war, Japan made that pledge. Upon it, we have created a free and democratic country, abided by the rule of law, and consistently upheld that pledge never to wage a war again. While taking silent pride in the path we have walked as a peace-loving nation for as long as seventy years, we remain determined never to deviate from this steadfast course.
先の大戦への深い悔悟の念と共に、我が国は、そう誓いました。自由で民主的な国を創り上げ、法の支配を重んじ、ひたすら不戦の誓いを堅持してまいりました。七十年間に及ぶ平和国家としての歩みに、私たちは、静かな誇りを抱きながら、この不動の方針を、これからも貫いてまいります。
Japan has repeatedly expressed the feelings of deep remorse and heartfelt apology for its actions during the war. In order to manifest such feelings through concrete actions, we have engraved in our hearts the histories of suffering of the people in Asia as our neighbours: those in Southeast Asian countries such as Indonesia and the Philippines, and Taiwan, the Republic of Korea and China, among others; and we have consistently devoted ourselves to the peace and prosperity of the region since the end of the war.
我が国は、先の大戦における行いについて、繰り返し、痛切な反省と心からのお詫びの気持ちを表明してきました。その思いを実際の行動で示すため、インドネシア、フィリピンはじめ東南アジアの国々、台湾、韓国、中国など、隣人であるアジアの人々が歩んできた苦難の歴史を胸に刻み、戦後一貫して、その平和と繁栄のために力を尽くしてきました。
Such position articulated by the previous cabinets will remain unshakable into the future.
こうした歴代内閣の立場は、今後も、揺るぎないものであります。
However, no matter what kind of efforts we may make, the sorrows of those who lost their family members and the painful memories of those who underwent immense sufferings by the destruction of war will never be healed.
ただ、私たちがいかなる努力を尽くそうとも、家族を失った方々の悲しみ、戦禍によって塗炭の苦しみを味わった人々の辛い記憶は、これからも、決して癒えることはないでしょう。
Thus, we must take to heart the following.
ですから、私たちは、心に留めなければなりません。
The fact that more than six million Japanese repatriates managed to come home safely after the war from various parts of the Asia-Pacific and became the driving force behind Japan’s postwar reconstruction; the fact that nearly three thousand Japanese children left behind in China were able to grow up there and set foot on the soil of their homeland again; and the fact that former POWs of the United States, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Australia and other nations have visited Japan for many years to continue praying for the souls of the war dead on both sides.
戦後、六百万人を超える引揚者が、アジア太平洋の各地から無事帰還でき、日本再建の原動力となった事実を。中国に置き去りにされた三千人近い日本人の子どもたちが、無事成長し、再び祖国の土を踏むことができた事実を。米国や英国、オランダ、豪州などの元捕虜の皆さんが、長年にわたり、日本を訪れ、互いの戦死者のために慰霊を続けてくれている事実を。
How much emotional struggle must have existed and what great efforts must have been necessary for the Chinese people who underwent all the sufferings of the war and for the former POWs who experienced unbearable sufferings caused by the Japanese military in order for them to be so tolerant nevertheless?
戦争の苦痛を嘗め尽くした中国人の皆さんや、日本軍によって耐え難い苦痛を受けた元捕虜の皆さんが、それほど寛容であるためには、どれほどの心の葛藤があり、いかほどの努力が必要であったか。
That is what we must turn our thoughts to reflect upon.
そのことに、私たちは、思いを致さなければなりません。
Thanks to such manifestation of tolerance, Japan was able to return to the international community in the postwar era. Taking this opportunity of the 70th anniversary of the end of the war, Japan would like to express its heartfelt gratitude to all the nations and all the people who made every effort for reconciliation.
寛容の心によって、日本は、戦後、国際社会に復帰することができました。戦後七十年のこの機にあたり、我が国は、和解のために力を尽くしてくださった、すべての国々、すべての方々に、心からの感謝の気持ちを表したいと思います。
In Japan, the postwar generations now exceed eighty per cent of its population. We must not let our children, grandchildren, and even further generations to come, who have nothing to do with that war, be predestined to apologize. Still, even so, we Japanese, across generations, must squarely face the history of the past. We have the responsibility to inherit the past, in all humbleness, and pass it on to the future.
日本では、戦後生まれの世代が、今や、人口の八割を超えています。あの戦争には何ら関わりのない、私たちの子や孫、そしてその先の世代の子どもたちに、謝罪を続ける宿命を背負わせてはなりません。しかし、それでもなお、私たち日本人は、世代を超えて、過去の歴史に真正面から向き合わなければなりません。謙虚な気持ちで、過去を受け継ぎ、未来へと引き渡す責任があります。
Our parents’ and grandparents’ generations were able to survive in a devastated land in sheer poverty after the war. The future they brought about is the one our current generation inherited and the one we will hand down to the next generation. Together with the tireless efforts of our predecessors, this has only been possible through the goodwill and assistance extended to us that transcended hatred by a truly large number of countries, such as the United States, Australia, and European nations, which Japan had fiercely fought against as enemies.
私たちの親、そのまた親の世代が、戦後の焼け野原、貧しさのどん底の中で、命をつなぐことができた。そして、現在の私たちの世代、さらに次の世代へと、未来をつないでいくことができる。それは、先人たちのたゆまぬ努力と共に、敵として熾烈に戦った、米国、豪州、欧州諸国をはじめ、本当にたくさんの国々から、恩讐を越えて、善意と支援の手が差しのべられたおかげであります。
We must pass this down from generation to generation into the future. We have the great responsibility to take the lessons of history deeply into our hearts, to carve out a better future, and to make all possible efforts for the peace and prosperity of Asia and the world.
そのことを、私たちは、未来へと語り継いでいかなければならない。歴史の教訓を深く胸に刻み、より良い未来を切り拓いていく、アジア、そして世界の平和と繁栄に力を尽くす。その大きな責任があります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when Japan attempted to break its deadlock with force. Upon this reflection, Japan will continue to firmly uphold the principle that any disputes must be settled peacefully and diplomatically based on the respect for the rule of law and not through the use of force, and to reach out to other countries in the world to do the same. As the only country to have ever suffered the devastation of atomic bombings during war, Japan will fulfil its responsibility in the international community, aiming at the non-proliferation and ultimate abolition of nuclear weapons.
私たちは、自らの行き詰まりを力によって打開しようとした過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、いかなる紛争も、法の支配を尊重し、力の行使ではなく、平和的・外交的に解決すべきである。この原則を、これからも堅く守り、世界の国々にも働きかけてまいります。唯一の戦争被爆国として、核兵器の不拡散と究極の廃絶を目指し、国際社会でその責任を果たしてまいります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when the dignity and honour of many women were severely injured during wars in the 20th century. Upon this reflection, Japan wishes to be a country always at the side of such women’s injured hearts. Japan will lead the world in making the 21st century an era in which women’s human rights are not infringed upon.
私たちは、二十世紀において、戦時下、多くの女性たちの尊厳や名誉が深く傷つけられた過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、そうした女性たちの心に、常に寄り添う国でありたい。二十一世紀こそ、女性の人権が傷つけられることのない世紀とするため、世界をリードしてまいります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when forming economic blocs made the seeds of conflict thrive. Upon this reflection, Japan will continue to develop a free, fair and open international economic system that will not be influenced by the arbitrary intentions of any nation. We will strengthen assistance for developing countries, and lead the world toward further prosperity. Prosperity is the very foundation for peace. Japan will make even greater efforts to fight against poverty, which also serves as a hotbed of violence, and to provide opportunities for medical services, education, and self-reliance to all the people in the world.
私たちは、経済のブロック化が紛争の芽を育てた過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、いかなる国の恣意にも左右されない、自由で、公正で、開かれた国際経済システムを発展させ、途上国支援を強化し、世界の更なる繁栄を牽引してまいります。繁栄こそ、平和の礎です。暴力の温床ともなる貧困に立ち向かい、世界のあらゆる人々に、医療と教育、自立の機会を提供するため、一層、力を尽くしてまいります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when Japan ended up becoming a challenger to the international order. Upon this reflection, Japan will firmly uphold basic values such as freedom, democracy, and human rights as unyielding values and, by working hand in hand with countries that share such values, hoist the flag of “Proactive Contribution to Peace,” and contribute to the peace and prosperity of the world more than ever before.
私たちは、国際秩序への挑戦者となってしまった過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、自由、民主主義、人権といった基本的価値を揺るぎないものとして堅持し、その価値を共有する国々と手を携えて、「積極的平和主義」の旗を高く掲げ、世界の平和と繁栄にこれまで以上に貢献してまいります。
Heading toward the 80th, the 90th and the centennial anniversary of the end of the war, we are determined to create such a Japan together with the Japanese people.
終戦八十年、九十年、さらには百年に向けて、そのような日本を、国民の皆様と共に創り上げていく。その決意であります。
August 14, 2015
平成二十七年八月十四日
Shinzo Abe, Prime Minister of Japan
内閣総理大臣 安倍 晋三
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 13
EDITORIAL: Japan should open doors wider to welcome refugees
（社説）難民受け入れ 手を差しのべる姿勢を
One big humanitarian issue facing Japan is how it should deal with people who cannot remain in their own countries because of fears of possible persecution for race, religion or political opinions.
人種、宗教や政治的意見などで迫害を受けるおそれがあり、母国にとどまれない難民を、どう受け入れていくか。
The Justice Ministry will shortly decide on a basic five-year plan on Japan’s stance on accepting foreign nationals.
法務省が近く、今後５年間の外国人受け入れに関する基本計画を決めるという。
In the past three years, Japan has granted refugee status to only 35 people. Critics have long pointed out that Japan’s figure has been tiny in comparison with other industrialized countries, which accept 100 to 1,000 refugees for every one recognized by Japan.
日本の難民認定数は過去３年間で計３５人にとどまる。過去をさかのぼっても、受け入れは他の主要国より２、３けた違いで少ないと指摘されてきた。
Worldwide, the number of people seeking asylum last year jumped 54 percent over the previous year to reach an all-time high, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
国連難民高等弁務官事務所（ＵＮＨＣＲ）によると、昨年の世界の難民申請者は、前年の５４％増で過去最多になった。
This rapid growth in refugees is one of the most pressing humanitarian challenges confronting the world. The Justice Ministry’s new plan for accepting foreign nationals should be designed to ensure Japan will fulfill its international responsibility to tackle the challenge.
難民は、いまの世界で最も切迫した人道問題の一つである。新計画は、国際責任をきちんと果たすものにすべきだ。
The ministry published a draft of its plan in June. It stressed Japan’s willingness to only accept people from other nations that it needs, such as those with particular skills and others who can work in the construction sector to help alleviate an expected shortage of workers in the lead-up to the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. However, the draft blueprint has created the impression that Japan is reluctant to accept more refugees.
法務省は計画案を６月に公開した。高度な専門性のある人、東京五輪に向けて建設分野で働ける人など日本側が必要とする外国人の受け入れを強調する一方、難民については後ろ向きの印象を与えている。
In analyzing the situation of asylum seekers in Japan, the document points out there are many foreign nationals who try to abuse the asylum system by applying for refugee status despite having no good reason for fearing persecution in their homeland.
迫害のおそれがあるとはいえないのに難民申請する乱用が多いと現状を分析。
The draft plan contains measures to deal with this problem. One measure would allow the ministry to reject asylum claims without full-scale screening in cases where the intention to abuse the program is clear. In such cases, the applicants would not be able to file a fresh application for refugee status until new relevant circumstances emerge.
そのうえで、乱用が明らかな場合は本格審査前に振り分け、一度認定されなければ再申請できるのは新しい事情が生じたときに限るなどの対策を盛り込んだ。
In the meantime, an advisory panel of experts for the ministry called for the creation of a system to provide relief to people who don’t qualify as refugees under the international treaty but who nevertheless need protection. Yet, the draft plan offers no specific road map toward the goal.
一方で、法務省の有識者会議が、国際条約でいう難民には当たらないものの保護の必要性がある人を救済するしくみを求めていたが、計画案はその具体的な道筋を示さなかった。
In an unusual move, the UNHCR has officially voiced concerns about the content of the draft plan. The U.N. refugee agency has pointed out the risk that some people who really need protection could be rejected as fake refugees under the plan.
そんな内容をめぐっては、ＵＮＨＣＲが懸念を公式に表明する異例の事態になった。真に保護が必要な人も偽装難民とされるおそれがあると指摘した。
The Justice Ministry should pay serious attention to the UNHCR’s warning as a candid opinion expressed by a legitimate, experienced international organization working in the area.
国際機関の率直な意見として、法務省は耳を傾けるべきだ。
Asylum seekers are allowed to work in Japan if they are residing legally in the country.
難民申請中は、正規滞在の人であれば就労を認められる。
As there is a limit on the number of ordinary foreign nationals allowed to work in Japan, some people may apply for refugee status purely to be qualified to work here. But that does not justify being too eager to raise the bar for all asylum seekers.
ふつうの外国人が日本国内で働ける枠が限られる中、就労資格を求めて難民申請する人はいるかもしれない。だが、だからといって認定の幅を狭めることには慎重であるべきだ。
It is not easy even for people who clearly qualify as refugees to prove that they deserve refugee status.
明らかに難民にあたる人でも自らそれを証明するのは簡単ではない。
Generally, people become refugees under various situations of confusion. It is not unusual that even legitimate asylum seekers are unable to produce documents to support their asylum claims.
難民になる事情にはさまざまな混乱が伴うのだから、証拠の文書を求められても困難な場合は珍しくない。
If the ministry intends to review the refugee screening process, the focus should be on why Japan has recognized only a far smaller number of refugees than other industrial nations and whether the screening is simply too rigorous.
審査のあり方を見直すのであればむしろ、なぜ各国に比べてここまで認定が少ないのか、審査が厳格すぎないかを、焦点に据えるべきだろう。
Given the situation in such regions as the Middle East and Africa, an overwhelming majority of people who really need protection cannot reach Japan to seek asylum.
中東、アフリカなどの状況では、保護を求めて日本までたどり着けない人が圧倒的に多い。
It is time for Japan to consider how it can provide effective relief to such people.
日本発でどう助けの手を差しのべるか、考えるときだ。
EDITORIAL: Japan should open doors wider to welcome refugees
（社説）難民受け入れ 手を差しのべる姿勢を
One big humanitarian issue facing Japan is how it should deal with people who cannot remain in their own countries because of fears of possible persecution for race, religion or political opinions.
人種、宗教や政治的意見などで迫害を受けるおそれがあり、母国にとどまれない難民を、どう受け入れていくか。
The Justice Ministry will shortly decide on a basic five-year plan on Japan’s stance on accepting foreign nationals.
法務省が近く、今後５年間の外国人受け入れに関する基本計画を決めるという。
In the past three years, Japan has granted refugee status to only 35 people. Critics have long pointed out that Japan’s figure has been tiny in comparison with other industrialized countries, which accept 100 to 1,000 refugees for every one recognized by Japan.
日本の難民認定数は過去３年間で計３５人にとどまる。過去をさかのぼっても、受け入れは他の主要国より２、３けた違いで少ないと指摘されてきた。
Worldwide, the number of people seeking asylum last year jumped 54 percent over the previous year to reach an all-time high, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
国連難民高等弁務官事務所（ＵＮＨＣＲ）によると、昨年の世界の難民申請者は、前年の５４％増で過去最多になった。
This rapid growth in refugees is one of the most pressing humanitarian challenges confronting the world. The Justice Ministry’s new plan for accepting foreign nationals should be designed to ensure Japan will fulfill its international responsibility to tackle the challenge.
難民は、いまの世界で最も切迫した人道問題の一つである。新計画は、国際責任をきちんと果たすものにすべきだ。
The ministry published a draft of its plan in June. It stressed Japan’s willingness to only accept people from other nations that it needs, such as those with particular skills and others who can work in the construction sector to help alleviate an expected shortage of workers in the lead-up to the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. However, the draft blueprint has created the impression that Japan is reluctant to accept more refugees.
法務省は計画案を６月に公開した。高度な専門性のある人、東京五輪に向けて建設分野で働ける人など日本側が必要とする外国人の受け入れを強調する一方、難民については後ろ向きの印象を与えている。
In analyzing the situation of asylum seekers in Japan, the document points out there are many foreign nationals who try to abuse the asylum system by applying for refugee status despite having no good reason for fearing persecution in their homeland.
迫害のおそれがあるとはいえないのに難民申請する乱用が多いと現状を分析。
The draft plan contains measures to deal with this problem. One measure would allow the ministry to reject asylum claims without full-scale screening in cases where the intention to abuse the program is clear. In such cases, the applicants would not be able to file a fresh application for refugee status until new relevant circumstances emerge.
そのうえで、乱用が明らかな場合は本格審査前に振り分け、一度認定されなければ再申請できるのは新しい事情が生じたときに限るなどの対策を盛り込んだ。
In the meantime, an advisory panel of experts for the ministry called for the creation of a system to provide relief to people who don’t qualify as refugees under the international treaty but who nevertheless need protection. Yet, the draft plan offers no specific road map toward the goal.
一方で、法務省の有識者会議が、国際条約でいう難民には当たらないものの保護の必要性がある人を救済するしくみを求めていたが、計画案はその具体的な道筋を示さなかった。
In an unusual move, the UNHCR has officially voiced concerns about the content of the draft plan. The U.N. refugee agency has pointed out the risk that some people who really need protection could be rejected as fake refugees under the plan.
そんな内容をめぐっては、ＵＮＨＣＲが懸念を公式に表明する異例の事態になった。真に保護が必要な人も偽装難民とされるおそれがあると指摘した。
The Justice Ministry should pay serious attention to the UNHCR’s warning as a candid opinion expressed by a legitimate, experienced international organization working in the area.
国際機関の率直な意見として、法務省は耳を傾けるべきだ。
Asylum seekers are allowed to work in Japan if they are residing legally in the country.
難民申請中は、正規滞在の人であれば就労を認められる。
As there is a limit on the number of ordinary foreign nationals allowed to work in Japan, some people may apply for refugee status purely to be qualified to work here. But that does not justify being too eager to raise the bar for all asylum seekers.
ふつうの外国人が日本国内で働ける枠が限られる中、就労資格を求めて難民申請する人はいるかもしれない。だが、だからといって認定の幅を狭めることには慎重であるべきだ。
It is not easy even for people who clearly qualify as refugees to prove that they deserve refugee status.
明らかに難民にあたる人でも自らそれを証明するのは簡単ではない。
Generally, people become refugees under various situations of confusion. It is not unusual that even legitimate asylum seekers are unable to produce documents to support their asylum claims.
難民になる事情にはさまざまな混乱が伴うのだから、証拠の文書を求められても困難な場合は珍しくない。
If the ministry intends to review the refugee screening process, the focus should be on why Japan has recognized only a far smaller number of refugees than other industrial nations and whether the screening is simply too rigorous.
審査のあり方を見直すのであればむしろ、なぜ各国に比べてここまで認定が少ないのか、審査が厳格すぎないかを、焦点に据えるべきだろう。
Given the situation in such regions as the Middle East and Africa, an overwhelming majority of people who really need protection cannot reach Japan to seek asylum.
中東、アフリカなどの状況では、保護を求めて日本までたどり着けない人が圧倒的に多い。
It is time for Japan to consider how it can provide effective relief to such people.
日本発でどう助けの手を差しのべるか、考えるときだ。
The Yomiuri Shimbun
JAL must pledge anew safe flights on 30th anniversary of fatal accident
日航機墜落３０年 安全運航への誓いを新たに
Wednesday marks the 30th anniversary of a JAL jumbo jet crash into Mt. Osutaka in Gunma Prefecture that claimed the lives of 520 passengers and crew members.
日航ジャンボ機が群馬県・御巣鷹山に墜落し、乗員乗客５２０人が犠牲になった事故から、１２日で３０年を迎える。
It was the worst single-airplane accident in the history of world aviation. Time has passed, but it cannot erase the grief of families who lost loved ones. We want to see the anniversary day serve as an opportunity to pledge anew to ensuring the safety of air travel without letting the memory of the accident fade.
単独機の事故としては今なお、世界の航空史上最悪の惨事だ。遺族の無念は、年月を経ても変わるまい。事故の記憶を風化させず、空の安全を改めて誓う日としたい。
The jumbo jet was involved in a tailstrike accident during a landing in 1978, seven years before the fatal 1985 crash. Due to subsequent inadequate repairs by Boeing Co. of the United States, the aircraft’s rear pressure bulkhead broke up in flight and this resulted in the crash, according to a conclusion by the then Aircraft Accident Investigation Commission.
ジャンボ機は墜落の７年前の１９７８年、着陸時に尻もち事故を起こしていた。この際の米ボーイング社による修理が不適切だったため、後部の圧力隔壁が飛行中に破断し、墜落の原因となった。
The commission told Japan Air Lines (currently Japan Airlines) that “its inspection methods were not adequate.”
当時の航空事故調査委員会は、こう結論付け、日本航空に対しても、「点検方法に十分とはいえない点があった」と指摘した。
After the 1985 disaster, the airline carried out improvement measures, including an overhaul of its maintenance system. Despite this, it received a business improvement order from the Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism Ministry in 2005 in the aftermath of the revelation of multiple instances of inadequate maintenance.
日航は事故後、整備システムの全面見直しなどを実施した。それにもかかわらず、２００５年に整備ミスなどが相次ぎ、国土交通省から事業改善命令を受けた。
As one countermeasure, JAL established the Safety Promotion Center in 2006 at Haneda Airport. The center has played a major role as the hub for safety education for its employees. Looking at the wreckage of the pressure bulkhead, as well as articles and notes left by the victims, helps to impress upon employees the importance of safe flight operations.
対応策として、０６年に羽田空港内に設けた「安全啓発センター」は、社員教育の拠点として大きな役割を果たしている。圧力隔壁の残骸や遺品、遺書を目にすることで、社員は安全運航の大切さを再認識する。
All 35,000 JAL employees, including those from its group companies, had taken part in seminars at the center as of last March. More than 90 percent of JAL’s current employees joined the airline after the accident. This makes the importance of inheriting lessons from the disaster even greater.
グループ企業を含めた３万５０００人の全社員が、今年３月までに研修を受けた。今では、事故後に入社した社員が９割以上を占める。事故の教訓を継承する安全教育の重要性は増している。
Cultivate safety-first mindset
At the time of its financial management crisis in 2010, JAL put forth “safe flight operations” as the primary goal of its management as it worked toward revitalization. We want JAL to establish corporate culture that gives top priority to safety.
日航は１０年の経営危機を機に、再生へ向けた経営目標の第一に「安全運航」を掲げた。その理念を忘れず、安全最優先の企業風土を築き上げてもらいたい。
Since the 1985 JAL accident, there have been no passenger fatalities due to domestic airline accidents. However, “serious incidents” that might very well have led to great disasters have not ceased to happen. In June at Naha Airport, for example, an All Nippon Airways jetliner ready to take off was interrupted by an Air Self-Defense Force helicopter flying across its path.
日航機事故後、国内航空会社で乗客が死亡する事故はない。ただし、一歩間違えば大惨事となりかねない重大インシデントは後を絶たない。６月には那覇空港で、離陸直前の全日空機の前を自衛隊ヘリが横切るトラブルがあった。
The total number of landings at domestic airports has nearly doubled from 30 years ago. Given the market participation of low-cost carriers and other factors, domestic airline companies face harsh competition. But they can never be allowed to neglect efforts to ensure safety in flight operations.
国内空港の総着陸回数は３０年前の２倍近くに増えた。格安航空会社（ＬＣＣ）の参入などで、航空会社は激しい競争にさらされているが、安全運航への取り組みを怠ることは、決して許されない。
Well known in this regard is Heinrich’s Law, which states, “For every accident that causes a major injury, there are 29 accidents that cause minor injuries and 300 accidents that cause no injuries.” It is essential to share information among those involved in the civil aviation industry and to prevent accidents by nipping them in the bud while they are still at the stage of small mistakes.
重大事故の背景には、２９件の軽微な事故と３００件の小さなミスがあるとする「ハインリッヒの法則」が知られる。航空業界で情報を共有し、小さなミスの段階で事故の芽を摘むことが大切だ。
The transport ministry last year launched a system under which airlines are asked to voluntarily report even small operational mistakes, for which reporting is not mandatory, and information that should be made known is then published. The system must be used to prevent further accidents.
国土交通省は昨年、報告義務のない小さなミスも航空会社に自発的に報告させ、周知すべき情報は公開する制度をスタートした。事故防止に役立てたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 11, 2015)
JAL must pledge anew safe flights on 30th anniversary of fatal accident
日航機墜落３０年 安全運航への誓いを新たに
Wednesday marks the 30th anniversary of a JAL jumbo jet crash into Mt. Osutaka in Gunma Prefecture that claimed the lives of 520 passengers and crew members.
日航ジャンボ機が群馬県・御巣鷹山に墜落し、乗員乗客５２０人が犠牲になった事故から、１２日で３０年を迎える。
It was the worst single-airplane accident in the history of world aviation. Time has passed, but it cannot erase the grief of families who lost loved ones. We want to see the anniversary day serve as an opportunity to pledge anew to ensuring the safety of air travel without letting the memory of the accident fade.
単独機の事故としては今なお、世界の航空史上最悪の惨事だ。遺族の無念は、年月を経ても変わるまい。事故の記憶を風化させず、空の安全を改めて誓う日としたい。
The jumbo jet was involved in a tailstrike accident during a landing in 1978, seven years before the fatal 1985 crash. Due to subsequent inadequate repairs by Boeing Co. of the United States, the aircraft’s rear pressure bulkhead broke up in flight and this resulted in the crash, according to a conclusion by the then Aircraft Accident Investigation Commission.
ジャンボ機は墜落の７年前の１９７８年、着陸時に尻もち事故を起こしていた。この際の米ボーイング社による修理が不適切だったため、後部の圧力隔壁が飛行中に破断し、墜落の原因となった。
The commission told Japan Air Lines (currently Japan Airlines) that “its inspection methods were not adequate.”
当時の航空事故調査委員会は、こう結論付け、日本航空に対しても、「点検方法に十分とはいえない点があった」と指摘した。
After the 1985 disaster, the airline carried out improvement measures, including an overhaul of its maintenance system. Despite this, it received a business improvement order from the Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism Ministry in 2005 in the aftermath of the revelation of multiple instances of inadequate maintenance.
日航は事故後、整備システムの全面見直しなどを実施した。それにもかかわらず、２００５年に整備ミスなどが相次ぎ、国土交通省から事業改善命令を受けた。
As one countermeasure, JAL established the Safety Promotion Center in 2006 at Haneda Airport. The center has played a major role as the hub for safety education for its employees. Looking at the wreckage of the pressure bulkhead, as well as articles and notes left by the victims, helps to impress upon employees the importance of safe flight operations.
対応策として、０６年に羽田空港内に設けた「安全啓発センター」は、社員教育の拠点として大きな役割を果たしている。圧力隔壁の残骸や遺品、遺書を目にすることで、社員は安全運航の大切さを再認識する。
All 35,000 JAL employees, including those from its group companies, had taken part in seminars at the center as of last March. More than 90 percent of JAL’s current employees joined the airline after the accident. This makes the importance of inheriting lessons from the disaster even greater.
グループ企業を含めた３万５０００人の全社員が、今年３月までに研修を受けた。今では、事故後に入社した社員が９割以上を占める。事故の教訓を継承する安全教育の重要性は増している。
Cultivate safety-first mindset
At the time of its financial management crisis in 2010, JAL put forth “safe flight operations” as the primary goal of its management as it worked toward revitalization. We want JAL to establish corporate culture that gives top priority to safety.
日航は１０年の経営危機を機に、再生へ向けた経営目標の第一に「安全運航」を掲げた。その理念を忘れず、安全最優先の企業風土を築き上げてもらいたい。
Since the 1985 JAL accident, there have been no passenger fatalities due to domestic airline accidents. However, “serious incidents” that might very well have led to great disasters have not ceased to happen. In June at Naha Airport, for example, an All Nippon Airways jetliner ready to take off was interrupted by an Air Self-Defense Force helicopter flying across its path.
日航機事故後、国内航空会社で乗客が死亡する事故はない。ただし、一歩間違えば大惨事となりかねない重大インシデントは後を絶たない。６月には那覇空港で、離陸直前の全日空機の前を自衛隊ヘリが横切るトラブルがあった。
The total number of landings at domestic airports has nearly doubled from 30 years ago. Given the market participation of low-cost carriers and other factors, domestic airline companies face harsh competition. But they can never be allowed to neglect efforts to ensure safety in flight operations.
国内空港の総着陸回数は３０年前の２倍近くに増えた。格安航空会社（ＬＣＣ）の参入などで、航空会社は激しい競争にさらされているが、安全運航への取り組みを怠ることは、決して許されない。
Well known in this regard is Heinrich’s Law, which states, “For every accident that causes a major injury, there are 29 accidents that cause minor injuries and 300 accidents that cause no injuries.” It is essential to share information among those involved in the civil aviation industry and to prevent accidents by nipping them in the bud while they are still at the stage of small mistakes.
重大事故の背景には、２９件の軽微な事故と３００件の小さなミスがあるとする「ハインリッヒの法則」が知られる。航空業界で情報を共有し、小さなミスの段階で事故の芽を摘むことが大切だ。
The transport ministry last year launched a system under which airlines are asked to voluntarily report even small operational mistakes, for which reporting is not mandatory, and information that should be made known is then published. The system must be used to prevent further accidents.
国土交通省は昨年、報告義務のない小さなミスも航空会社に自発的に報告させ、周知すべき情報は公開する制度をスタートした。事故防止に役立てたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 11, 2015)
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 9
EDITORIAL: ‘Unconstitutional’ security bills set no limit on military logistical support
（社説）「違憲」法案 限定なき兵站の中身
Discussions on the content of military logistics (or “rear-echelon support” in the parlance of current politics) to be provided overseas by Japan’s Self-Defense Forces have emerged as a focus of attention during deliberations in the Upper House over a controversial package of new security-related bills.
新たな安全保障関連法案をめぐる参院審議で、自衛隊が海外で行う兵站（へいたん）（後方支援）の中身の議論が焦点になっている。
We simply cannot believe our ears at the sheer extent of the limitlessness and the breadth of discretion to be given to the government.
あまりの無限定ぶりと、政府の裁量の幅広さに耳を疑う。
During the last several days of debate, the government has explained that it would be legally allowed to provide the following services to foreign troops:
ここ数日の審議で、政府が法律上、他国軍に対して可能だと説明したのは次の通りだ。
[Transport of weaponry and ammunition] Missiles and tanks of the U.S. military forces, chemical weapons, toxic gas weapons and nuclear weapons
【武器弾薬の輸送】米軍のミサイルや戦車、化学兵器、毒ガス兵器、核兵器
[Supply of ammunition] Grenades, rocket bombs, tank ammunition, nuclear weapons, depleted uranium munitions, cluster bombs
【弾薬の提供】手榴（しゅりゅう）弾、ロケット弾、戦車砲弾、核兵器、劣化ウラン弾、クラスター爆弾
[Refueling] Airborne and seaborne refueling of U.S. fighter jets and combat helicopters that are embarking on bombing missions, and refueling of fighter jets and bombers that carry nuclear missiles or nuclear bombs
【給油活動】爆撃に向かう米軍の戦闘機や戦闘ヘリに対する空中給油や洋上の給油。核ミサイルや核爆弾を積んだ戦闘機や爆撃機への給油
There is no doubt that the bills would significantly expand the leeway for discretion to be used by the administration of the time when compared with the existing legislation, which does not allow Japan to supply ammunition or provide other services to foreign troops. At the very least, virtually no restriction is expected to be set by the text of the legislation.
弾薬の提供などが認められていないこれまでの法制に比べ、時の政権の裁量の余地が大きく広がっているのは間違いない。少なくとも、法文上の歯止めはないに等しい。
For example, Defense Minister Gen Nakatani made a nuanced remark in regard to the transport of cluster bombs, which scatter bomblets over broad areas and create serious threats from unexploded bomblets. He said the transport of cluster bombs “will not be ruled out legally, but decisions will be made carefully, because Japan is signatory to an international convention that totally bans their use and manufacture.”
たとえば広範囲に子爆弾が飛び散り、不発弾被害も深刻なクラスター爆弾の輸送について、中谷防衛相は「法律上排除はしないが、日本は使用や製造を全面禁止した条約締結国で、慎重に判断する」と含みを残した。
Nakatani also remained noncommittal on the transport of depleted uranium munitions, which contain radioactive substances, when he said, “I cannot say definitively if it will be allowed to transport depleted uranium munitions of other countries.”
放射性物質を含む劣化ウラン弾の輸送も「他国の劣化ウラン弾を輸送できるか確定的に言えない」と明言を避けた。
The government takes the stance that Japan will consider all factors at hand in making policy decisions on whether to actually put into practice something that is legally allowed. It is certainly true that Japan has no way to supply nuclear weapons, depleted uranium munitions or cluster bombs, none of which it possesses, to foreign troops.
法律上は可能であっても、実際に行うかどうかは総合的に政策判断する、というのが政府の立場だ。事実、日本は核兵器や劣化ウラン弾、クラスター爆弾を持っておらず、他国軍に提供できないのはその通りだ。
But speaking in general terms, it appears unlikely for Tokyo to refuse Washington’s strong request for transport operations, except in extremely improbable cases, such as the transport of nuclear weapons.
ただ、核兵器の輸送などおよそ想定しにくいケースはまだしも、一般的に米国から輸送を強く要請された時、日本政府が拒むことは考えにくい。
It has so far been believed that unconstitutionality of operations that are construed as constituting “integrated use of force with foreign troops” would apply the brakes of sorts on similar operations. It has been learned, however, that Japan’s SDF transported armed U.S. soldiers during its airlift operations in Iraq. Given that, there could be a situation where anything goes if the security bills become law.
これまでは、他国軍との武力行使の一体化にあたり、憲法違反になることが一応の歯止めとされていた。それでも、イラクでの自衛隊の空輸活動では、武装した米兵らを輸送していたことが明らかになった。これで安保法案が成立したら、なんでもありにならないか。
The bills do not limit the beneficiary of logistical support to U.S. troops. They would allow logistical support to be provided anywhere except in areas of “ongoing combat.” They would allow Japan to supply ammunition to foreign troops, transport weaponry and ammunition for foreign troops, and refuel aircraft of foreign troops being prepared for takeoff. They would allow Japan to do so anywhere in the world.
法案では、兵站の対象は米軍に限らない。実施地域も「現に戦闘を行っている現場」以外は容認される。世界のどこでも他国軍に弾薬が提供でき、武器弾薬を輸送でき、発進準備中の航空機への給油もできる。
And they allow leeway for policy decisions to be made and discretion to be used by the administration of the time to provide this much military logistical support, which could constitute “integrated use of force with foreign troops.”
他国軍の武力行使と一体化しかねないこれだけの兵站が、時の政権の政策判断、裁量によってできる余地がある。
We are only led to suspect ever more strongly that the security bills are unconstitutional, not only because they are based on a controversial decision to lift the country’s self-imposed ban on exercising the right to collective self-defense, but also because they are expected to allow logistical support to this extent to be provided.
集団的自衛権の行使容認だけでなく、兵站の中身をみても、違憲の疑いがますます濃い。
EDITORIAL: ‘Unconstitutional’ security bills set no limit on military logistical support
（社説）「違憲」法案 限定なき兵站の中身
Discussions on the content of military logistics (or “rear-echelon support” in the parlance of current politics) to be provided overseas by Japan’s Self-Defense Forces have emerged as a focus of attention during deliberations in the Upper House over a controversial package of new security-related bills.
新たな安全保障関連法案をめぐる参院審議で、自衛隊が海外で行う兵站（へいたん）（後方支援）の中身の議論が焦点になっている。
We simply cannot believe our ears at the sheer extent of the limitlessness and the breadth of discretion to be given to the government.
あまりの無限定ぶりと、政府の裁量の幅広さに耳を疑う。
During the last several days of debate, the government has explained that it would be legally allowed to provide the following services to foreign troops:
ここ数日の審議で、政府が法律上、他国軍に対して可能だと説明したのは次の通りだ。
[Transport of weaponry and ammunition] Missiles and tanks of the U.S. military forces, chemical weapons, toxic gas weapons and nuclear weapons
【武器弾薬の輸送】米軍のミサイルや戦車、化学兵器、毒ガス兵器、核兵器
[Supply of ammunition] Grenades, rocket bombs, tank ammunition, nuclear weapons, depleted uranium munitions, cluster bombs
【弾薬の提供】手榴（しゅりゅう）弾、ロケット弾、戦車砲弾、核兵器、劣化ウラン弾、クラスター爆弾
[Refueling] Airborne and seaborne refueling of U.S. fighter jets and combat helicopters that are embarking on bombing missions, and refueling of fighter jets and bombers that carry nuclear missiles or nuclear bombs
【給油活動】爆撃に向かう米軍の戦闘機や戦闘ヘリに対する空中給油や洋上の給油。核ミサイルや核爆弾を積んだ戦闘機や爆撃機への給油
There is no doubt that the bills would significantly expand the leeway for discretion to be used by the administration of the time when compared with the existing legislation, which does not allow Japan to supply ammunition or provide other services to foreign troops. At the very least, virtually no restriction is expected to be set by the text of the legislation.
弾薬の提供などが認められていないこれまでの法制に比べ、時の政権の裁量の余地が大きく広がっているのは間違いない。少なくとも、法文上の歯止めはないに等しい。
For example, Defense Minister Gen Nakatani made a nuanced remark in regard to the transport of cluster bombs, which scatter bomblets over broad areas and create serious threats from unexploded bomblets. He said the transport of cluster bombs “will not be ruled out legally, but decisions will be made carefully, because Japan is signatory to an international convention that totally bans their use and manufacture.”
たとえば広範囲に子爆弾が飛び散り、不発弾被害も深刻なクラスター爆弾の輸送について、中谷防衛相は「法律上排除はしないが、日本は使用や製造を全面禁止した条約締結国で、慎重に判断する」と含みを残した。
Nakatani also remained noncommittal on the transport of depleted uranium munitions, which contain radioactive substances, when he said, “I cannot say definitively if it will be allowed to transport depleted uranium munitions of other countries.”
放射性物質を含む劣化ウラン弾の輸送も「他国の劣化ウラン弾を輸送できるか確定的に言えない」と明言を避けた。
The government takes the stance that Japan will consider all factors at hand in making policy decisions on whether to actually put into practice something that is legally allowed. It is certainly true that Japan has no way to supply nuclear weapons, depleted uranium munitions or cluster bombs, none of which it possesses, to foreign troops.
法律上は可能であっても、実際に行うかどうかは総合的に政策判断する、というのが政府の立場だ。事実、日本は核兵器や劣化ウラン弾、クラスター爆弾を持っておらず、他国軍に提供できないのはその通りだ。
But speaking in general terms, it appears unlikely for Tokyo to refuse Washington’s strong request for transport operations, except in extremely improbable cases, such as the transport of nuclear weapons.
ただ、核兵器の輸送などおよそ想定しにくいケースはまだしも、一般的に米国から輸送を強く要請された時、日本政府が拒むことは考えにくい。
It has so far been believed that unconstitutionality of operations that are construed as constituting “integrated use of force with foreign troops” would apply the brakes of sorts on similar operations. It has been learned, however, that Japan’s SDF transported armed U.S. soldiers during its airlift operations in Iraq. Given that, there could be a situation where anything goes if the security bills become law.
これまでは、他国軍との武力行使の一体化にあたり、憲法違反になることが一応の歯止めとされていた。それでも、イラクでの自衛隊の空輸活動では、武装した米兵らを輸送していたことが明らかになった。これで安保法案が成立したら、なんでもありにならないか。
The bills do not limit the beneficiary of logistical support to U.S. troops. They would allow logistical support to be provided anywhere except in areas of “ongoing combat.” They would allow Japan to supply ammunition to foreign troops, transport weaponry and ammunition for foreign troops, and refuel aircraft of foreign troops being prepared for takeoff. They would allow Japan to do so anywhere in the world.
法案では、兵站の対象は米軍に限らない。実施地域も「現に戦闘を行っている現場」以外は容認される。世界のどこでも他国軍に弾薬が提供でき、武器弾薬を輸送でき、発進準備中の航空機への給油もできる。
And they allow leeway for policy decisions to be made and discretion to be used by the administration of the time to provide this much military logistical support, which could constitute “integrated use of force with foreign troops.”
他国軍の武力行使と一体化しかねないこれだけの兵站が、時の政権の政策判断、裁量によってできる余地がある。
We are only led to suspect ever more strongly that the security bills are unconstitutional, not only because they are based on a controversial decision to lift the country’s self-imposed ban on exercising the right to collective self-defense, but also because they are expected to allow logistical support to this extent to be provided.
集団的自衛権の行使容認だけでなく、兵站の中身をみても、違憲の疑いがますます濃い。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 8
EDITORIAL: Concerns about evacuations in nuclear emergencies continue unabated
（社説）川内再稼働を前に 避難の不安が置き去りだ
The 2011 nuclear disaster resulted in a horrifying scenario in which nuclear fuel inside reactors melted down, triggering a massive release of radioactive materials into the environment outside the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
原子炉内の核燃料が溶け、大量の放射性物質が発電所の外にばらまかれる。福島第一原発事故で、私たちが目の当たりにした現実だ。
The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has proposed a system of five layers of safety measures for nuclear power plants. The nuclear watchdog urges each country operating nuclear power plants to adopt this approach, known as “defense-in-depth,” to ensure the facilities operate safely.
国際原子力機関（ＩＡＥＡ）は、原発の安全を保つ対策を５層に分類して、各国に求めてきている。
The final barrier in this system is prevention of radiation exposure to people living in areas around nuclear power plants.
その「最後の壁」が周辺住民の被曝（ひばく）を防ぐ対策だ。
Specifically, this fifth and final stage of defense-in-depth should be implemented in the form of plans developed by the central and local governments to mitigate the consequences of nuclear accidents and evacuate local residents.
これを具体化するのが国や自治体の防災計画と避難計画だ。
When the Fukushima disaster occurred, however, no effective plan existed for the mass evacuation of local residents in Japan. This is because the possibility of a severe nuclear accident had been ruled out.
ところが「過酷事故は起きない」としてきた日本には、多数の住民が避難する想定もなかった。
As a result, the accident triggered utter chaos in local communities around the Fukushima plant.
実際に事故が起きると、被災地は大混乱に陥った。
Now, more than four years since the disaster unfolded, Kyushu Electric Power Co.’s Sendai nuclear power plant in Kagoshima Prefecture is expected to restart its No. 1 reactor as early as Aug. 11.
あれから４年余り。九州電力川内原発（鹿児島県薩摩川内市）が１１日にも再稼働する。
But the mitigation and evacuation plans currently in place are far from reassuring to local residents. The responsibility to establish the “final barrier” and ensure the safety of residents rests with the local government. There should be no headlong rush toward restarting the reactor when serious safety concerns persist.
しかし、防災・避難計画は到底、住民が安心できるものではない。「最後の壁」を整え、住民の安全を守る責任は自治体にある。不安を残したまま、再稼働に突き進んではならない。
SERIOUSNESS OF EVACUATION PLANS QUESTIONED
■命を守る気があるか
After the Fukushima accident, the central government made it mandatory for all local governments within 30 kilometers of a nuclear power plant to develop disaster mitigation and evacuation plans.
事故後、国は原発の３０キロ圏の自治体に防災・避難計画づくりを義務づけた。
All the nine municipalities within 30 km of the Sendai plant have drawn up such plans. The total population of the areas covered is about 210,000.
川内原発周辺の７市２町はすべて作成済みだ。対象人口は２１万人にのぼる。
Takuro Eto, 58, who operates a daytime care service for the elderly in Ichikikushikino, a city located about 17 km from the Sendai plant, is deeply skeptical about the evacuation plan crafted by the municipal government.
原発から約１７キロのいちき串木野市で、デイサービス施設を営む江藤卓朗さん（５８）は、避難計画への不信感を募らせる。
“Are they really serious about protecting the lives of people?” he said.
「命を守る気があるのか」と。
Many of the 10 or so elderly people who regularly come to Eto’s facility are suffering from dementia. If a serious nuclear accident occurs, they are required to return to their homes before being evacuated, according to the city’s evacuation plan.
施設に通う約１０人のお年寄りの多くは認知症を患う。市の避難計画に従えば、いったん自宅に戻すことになる。
One of these patients lives alone in a house located within 10 km of the plant.
だがある利用者の家は原発から１０キロ以内にあり、ひとり暮らしだ。
“Are we supposed to have this patient return home, which is located closer to the plant?” Eto said indignantly. “How can we ask our staffers to escort the patient home (in such an emergency)?”
「わざわざ近くに帰すのか。職員にも『送って』と言えるのか」と江藤さんは悩む。
How to evacuate people who cannot move on their own, such as the residents of nursing homes and hospital inpatients, also poses a challenge.
老人ホームの入所者や病院の入院患者ら自力では動けない人たちの避難も難題だ。
The Kagoshima prefectural government has secured evacuation destinations for the 17 nursing homes and hospitals within 10 km of the Sendai plant. As for the 227 facilities located between 10 and 30 km from the plant, however, the local government has decided to do computer searches after an accident happens to find facilities that can accommodate those evacuees.
鹿児島県は１０キロ圏の１７施設は避難先を確保したが、１０～３０キロ圏の２２７施設は、県が事故後にコンピューターで避難先を探し、個別連絡することにした。
An employee at a home for elderly people requiring special care located within a 30-km radius of the nuclear plant voices anxiety about the plan.
“We have only one staff member on night duty," the employee said. "How can the staffer deal with evacuating the residents to an unfamiliar place in an emergency?”
３０キロ圏の特別養護老人ホーム職員は「夜勤時は職員が１人だけ。いきなり知らないところへ避難しろと言われてもどうすればいいのか」と不安を漏らす。
Despite such concerns, the prefectural government has no plan to carry out an evacuation drill involving local residents to test the effectiveness of the evacuation plan before the reactor is brought back online.
だが県は、避難計画の実効性を確かめる住民参加型訓練を再稼働前には実施しない方針だ。
“Kyushu Electric Power currently has no time (for such a drill) as it is busy with inspections prior to the reactor restart,” Kagoshima Governor Yuichi Ito said.
伊藤祐一郎知事は「使用前検査で九州電力に余裕がない」と説明する。
An Asahi Shimbun survey revealed that 66 percent of medical institutions and 49 percent of social welfare facilities within 30 km of nuclear power plants across Japan have not compiled mandatory evacuation plans specifying evacuation destinations, routes and transportation means to be used in the event of an accident.
朝日新聞の調べでは、全国の原発の３０キロ圏にある医療機関の６６％、社会福祉施設の４９％が、避難先や経路、移動手段の避難計画をまだ作っていない。
DIALOGUE WITH LOCAL RESIDENTS ESSENTIAL
■住民との対話不可欠
The fifth level of the IAEA’s defense-in-depth safety approach--the final barrier--should be designed to work effectively to protect public health even in cases in which all the other four layers of defense have failed.
ＩＡＥＡの「最後の壁」は、ほかの４層がすべて突破されたことを前提とし、それでも有効に機能することが大原則だ。
In Japan, this stage of defense is the local government’s responsibility. Evacuation plans are not covered by the Nuclear Regulation Authority’s safety assessments. Such plans are to be simply approved by the nuclear disaster prevention council, headed by the prime minister.
日本でこの対策を担うのは自治体だ。原子力規制委員会は避難計画を審査対象にしていない。首相がトップの原子力防災会議も計画を「了承」するだけだ。
It should be assumed that the responsibility for protecting local residents from nuclear accidents lies with the local government, which is abreast of special regional circumstances.
住民を守る責任はまず、地域の事情に通じた自治体が負っていると考えるべきだ。
According to experts, in the disaster at the Fukushima No.1 plant, even the nuclear fuel pool of the No. 4 reactor, which was offline at that time, was at risk of a severe accident.
第一原発の事故では、運転休止中だった４号機燃料プールも過酷事故に陥る可能性があったと指摘されている。
One vital lesson from the catastrophe is that the mere existence of a nuclear reactor poses serious safety risks.
原発は存在するだけでリスクであることが、事故の教訓でもある。
Evacuation plans are indispensable, whether the reactors are restarted or not.
再稼働する、しないに関わらず、避難計画は必要不可欠なのだ。
To be sure, it is almost impossible to create a perfect evacuation plan. But it is possible to clarify what can be done, ascertain problems to be solved and explain them to local residents.
確かに、完璧な避難計画を求めることには無理はある。だが、何ができて、どんな課題があるのかを明らかにし、住民に説明することはできる。
To do so, the local governments of areas where nuclear plants are located need to conduct drills to test the effectiveness of their mitigation and evacuation plans and hold the necessary dialogue with local residents.
そのために自治体は訓練を通じて防災・避難計画の実効性を検証し、住民と対話を重ねるべきだ。
It is said that a two-stage evacuation approach is effective during nuclear emergencies. Under this approach, residents within 5 km of the plant should be evacuated first. People living between 5 and 30 km from the plant should first take refuge indoors to wait for their own evacuation.
原発事故時には、５キロ圏の住民がまず避難し、５～３０キロ圏は屋内退避の後、避難する「２段階避難」が有効とされる。
It is obvious that this approach does not work without the understanding and cooperation of the local residents.
住民の理解と協力なしにうまくいかないのは、明らかだ。
If local governments are responsible for the safety of their residents, they should also be involved in the process of deciding on whether to restart reactors.
自治体が住民の安全確保に責任を負うなら、原発再稼働の是非に関与するのは当然だ。
Currently, however, under agreements with electric utilities, only the prefectures and municipalities that host nuclear power plants have the right to agree to reactor restarts. But this right should also be given at least to all the local governments in the 30-km zone that are obliged to map out evacuation plans.
電力会社との協定を根拠に、今は原発が立地する道県と市町村だけが持つ「同意権」を、少なくとも、防災・避難計画づくりの義務を負う３０キロ圏の全自治体に認めるべきだ。
Nuclear reactors should be considered to be too dangerous if the local governments of areas that can be affected by accidents involving the reactors refuse to support their operations. These reactors should be decommissioned as soon as possible.
被害が及びうる自治体の同意さえ得られない原発は危険度も高いといえる。早めの廃炉につなげるべきだ。
CONTINUED FAILURE TO ACT
■不作為を重ねるのか
The Diet’s investigative committee that looked into the Fukushima accident has pointed out that little serious effort has been made in Japan to establish even the fourth level of the IAEA’s defense-in-depth strategy for nuclear safety, or control of severe plant conditions, the stage before the final barrier.
国会の事故調査委員会は、ＩＡＥＡの５層の防護策のうち、「最後の壁」の前に位置する過酷事故への備え（４層）も、日本はほとんど取り組んでこなかった、と指摘している。
In 2006, the Nuclear Safety Commission tried to make a sweeping review based on the IAEA standards of the priority areas designated under the government’s nuclear disaster prevention policy. But the plan was dropped in the face of opposition from the Nuclear and Industrial Safety Agency, which feared such a review would provoke anxiety among local residents, according to the findings of the investigation.
旧原子力安全委員会は０６年、ＩＡＥＡ基準に沿って防災対策重点地域を見直そうとしたが、原子力安全・保安院が「住民に不安を与える」と抵抗し、見送られたこともわかっている。
The radiation exposure that afflicted many residents around the Fukushima plant could have been avoided. Many patients in hospitals who were not evacuated quickly enough died due to deteriorating health conditions. More than 1,900 people in Fukushima Prefecture have died due to causes related to the nuclear accident.
避けられたはずの被曝を住民は余儀なくされ、救出が遅れた病院で入院患者が体調悪化で相次いで亡くなった。福島県内の関連死は１９００人を超す。
Have all the relevant lessons from the calamity been gleaned and absorbed to prevent any further casualties of administrative nonfeasance?
行政の不作為による犠牲者を生まないため、教訓を徹底的に引き出しているのか。
This is the question local governments should ask first in examining and evaluating their abilities to protect residents from nuclear accidents.
自治体はそこから点検してほしい。
EDITORIAL: Concerns about evacuations in nuclear emergencies continue unabated
（社説）川内再稼働を前に 避難の不安が置き去りだ
The 2011 nuclear disaster resulted in a horrifying scenario in which nuclear fuel inside reactors melted down, triggering a massive release of radioactive materials into the environment outside the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
原子炉内の核燃料が溶け、大量の放射性物質が発電所の外にばらまかれる。福島第一原発事故で、私たちが目の当たりにした現実だ。
The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has proposed a system of five layers of safety measures for nuclear power plants. The nuclear watchdog urges each country operating nuclear power plants to adopt this approach, known as “defense-in-depth,” to ensure the facilities operate safely.
国際原子力機関（ＩＡＥＡ）は、原発の安全を保つ対策を５層に分類して、各国に求めてきている。
The final barrier in this system is prevention of radiation exposure to people living in areas around nuclear power plants.
その「最後の壁」が周辺住民の被曝（ひばく）を防ぐ対策だ。
Specifically, this fifth and final stage of defense-in-depth should be implemented in the form of plans developed by the central and local governments to mitigate the consequences of nuclear accidents and evacuate local residents.
これを具体化するのが国や自治体の防災計画と避難計画だ。
When the Fukushima disaster occurred, however, no effective plan existed for the mass evacuation of local residents in Japan. This is because the possibility of a severe nuclear accident had been ruled out.
ところが「過酷事故は起きない」としてきた日本には、多数の住民が避難する想定もなかった。
As a result, the accident triggered utter chaos in local communities around the Fukushima plant.
実際に事故が起きると、被災地は大混乱に陥った。
Now, more than four years since the disaster unfolded, Kyushu Electric Power Co.’s Sendai nuclear power plant in Kagoshima Prefecture is expected to restart its No. 1 reactor as early as Aug. 11.
あれから４年余り。九州電力川内原発（鹿児島県薩摩川内市）が１１日にも再稼働する。
But the mitigation and evacuation plans currently in place are far from reassuring to local residents. The responsibility to establish the “final barrier” and ensure the safety of residents rests with the local government. There should be no headlong rush toward restarting the reactor when serious safety concerns persist.
しかし、防災・避難計画は到底、住民が安心できるものではない。「最後の壁」を整え、住民の安全を守る責任は自治体にある。不安を残したまま、再稼働に突き進んではならない。
SERIOUSNESS OF EVACUATION PLANS QUESTIONED
■命を守る気があるか
After the Fukushima accident, the central government made it mandatory for all local governments within 30 kilometers of a nuclear power plant to develop disaster mitigation and evacuation plans.
事故後、国は原発の３０キロ圏の自治体に防災・避難計画づくりを義務づけた。
All the nine municipalities within 30 km of the Sendai plant have drawn up such plans. The total population of the areas covered is about 210,000.
川内原発周辺の７市２町はすべて作成済みだ。対象人口は２１万人にのぼる。
Takuro Eto, 58, who operates a daytime care service for the elderly in Ichikikushikino, a city located about 17 km from the Sendai plant, is deeply skeptical about the evacuation plan crafted by the municipal government.
原発から約１７キロのいちき串木野市で、デイサービス施設を営む江藤卓朗さん（５８）は、避難計画への不信感を募らせる。
“Are they really serious about protecting the lives of people?” he said.
「命を守る気があるのか」と。
Many of the 10 or so elderly people who regularly come to Eto’s facility are suffering from dementia. If a serious nuclear accident occurs, they are required to return to their homes before being evacuated, according to the city’s evacuation plan.
施設に通う約１０人のお年寄りの多くは認知症を患う。市の避難計画に従えば、いったん自宅に戻すことになる。
One of these patients lives alone in a house located within 10 km of the plant.
だがある利用者の家は原発から１０キロ以内にあり、ひとり暮らしだ。
“Are we supposed to have this patient return home, which is located closer to the plant?” Eto said indignantly. “How can we ask our staffers to escort the patient home (in such an emergency)?”
「わざわざ近くに帰すのか。職員にも『送って』と言えるのか」と江藤さんは悩む。
How to evacuate people who cannot move on their own, such as the residents of nursing homes and hospital inpatients, also poses a challenge.
老人ホームの入所者や病院の入院患者ら自力では動けない人たちの避難も難題だ。
The Kagoshima prefectural government has secured evacuation destinations for the 17 nursing homes and hospitals within 10 km of the Sendai plant. As for the 227 facilities located between 10 and 30 km from the plant, however, the local government has decided to do computer searches after an accident happens to find facilities that can accommodate those evacuees.
鹿児島県は１０キロ圏の１７施設は避難先を確保したが、１０～３０キロ圏の２２７施設は、県が事故後にコンピューターで避難先を探し、個別連絡することにした。
An employee at a home for elderly people requiring special care located within a 30-km radius of the nuclear plant voices anxiety about the plan.
“We have only one staff member on night duty," the employee said. "How can the staffer deal with evacuating the residents to an unfamiliar place in an emergency?”
３０キロ圏の特別養護老人ホーム職員は「夜勤時は職員が１人だけ。いきなり知らないところへ避難しろと言われてもどうすればいいのか」と不安を漏らす。
Despite such concerns, the prefectural government has no plan to carry out an evacuation drill involving local residents to test the effectiveness of the evacuation plan before the reactor is brought back online.
だが県は、避難計画の実効性を確かめる住民参加型訓練を再稼働前には実施しない方針だ。
“Kyushu Electric Power currently has no time (for such a drill) as it is busy with inspections prior to the reactor restart,” Kagoshima Governor Yuichi Ito said.
伊藤祐一郎知事は「使用前検査で九州電力に余裕がない」と説明する。
An Asahi Shimbun survey revealed that 66 percent of medical institutions and 49 percent of social welfare facilities within 30 km of nuclear power plants across Japan have not compiled mandatory evacuation plans specifying evacuation destinations, routes and transportation means to be used in the event of an accident.
朝日新聞の調べでは、全国の原発の３０キロ圏にある医療機関の６６％、社会福祉施設の４９％が、避難先や経路、移動手段の避難計画をまだ作っていない。
DIALOGUE WITH LOCAL RESIDENTS ESSENTIAL
■住民との対話不可欠
The fifth level of the IAEA’s defense-in-depth safety approach--the final barrier--should be designed to work effectively to protect public health even in cases in which all the other four layers of defense have failed.
ＩＡＥＡの「最後の壁」は、ほかの４層がすべて突破されたことを前提とし、それでも有効に機能することが大原則だ。
In Japan, this stage of defense is the local government’s responsibility. Evacuation plans are not covered by the Nuclear Regulation Authority’s safety assessments. Such plans are to be simply approved by the nuclear disaster prevention council, headed by the prime minister.
日本でこの対策を担うのは自治体だ。原子力規制委員会は避難計画を審査対象にしていない。首相がトップの原子力防災会議も計画を「了承」するだけだ。
It should be assumed that the responsibility for protecting local residents from nuclear accidents lies with the local government, which is abreast of special regional circumstances.
住民を守る責任はまず、地域の事情に通じた自治体が負っていると考えるべきだ。
According to experts, in the disaster at the Fukushima No.1 plant, even the nuclear fuel pool of the No. 4 reactor, which was offline at that time, was at risk of a severe accident.
第一原発の事故では、運転休止中だった４号機燃料プールも過酷事故に陥る可能性があったと指摘されている。
One vital lesson from the catastrophe is that the mere existence of a nuclear reactor poses serious safety risks.
原発は存在するだけでリスクであることが、事故の教訓でもある。
Evacuation plans are indispensable, whether the reactors are restarted or not.
再稼働する、しないに関わらず、避難計画は必要不可欠なのだ。
To be sure, it is almost impossible to create a perfect evacuation plan. But it is possible to clarify what can be done, ascertain problems to be solved and explain them to local residents.
確かに、完璧な避難計画を求めることには無理はある。だが、何ができて、どんな課題があるのかを明らかにし、住民に説明することはできる。
To do so, the local governments of areas where nuclear plants are located need to conduct drills to test the effectiveness of their mitigation and evacuation plans and hold the necessary dialogue with local residents.
そのために自治体は訓練を通じて防災・避難計画の実効性を検証し、住民と対話を重ねるべきだ。
It is said that a two-stage evacuation approach is effective during nuclear emergencies. Under this approach, residents within 5 km of the plant should be evacuated first. People living between 5 and 30 km from the plant should first take refuge indoors to wait for their own evacuation.
原発事故時には、５キロ圏の住民がまず避難し、５～３０キロ圏は屋内退避の後、避難する「２段階避難」が有効とされる。
It is obvious that this approach does not work without the understanding and cooperation of the local residents.
住民の理解と協力なしにうまくいかないのは、明らかだ。
If local governments are responsible for the safety of their residents, they should also be involved in the process of deciding on whether to restart reactors.
自治体が住民の安全確保に責任を負うなら、原発再稼働の是非に関与するのは当然だ。
Currently, however, under agreements with electric utilities, only the prefectures and municipalities that host nuclear power plants have the right to agree to reactor restarts. But this right should also be given at least to all the local governments in the 30-km zone that are obliged to map out evacuation plans.
電力会社との協定を根拠に、今は原発が立地する道県と市町村だけが持つ「同意権」を、少なくとも、防災・避難計画づくりの義務を負う３０キロ圏の全自治体に認めるべきだ。
Nuclear reactors should be considered to be too dangerous if the local governments of areas that can be affected by accidents involving the reactors refuse to support their operations. These reactors should be decommissioned as soon as possible.
被害が及びうる自治体の同意さえ得られない原発は危険度も高いといえる。早めの廃炉につなげるべきだ。
CONTINUED FAILURE TO ACT
■不作為を重ねるのか
The Diet’s investigative committee that looked into the Fukushima accident has pointed out that little serious effort has been made in Japan to establish even the fourth level of the IAEA’s defense-in-depth strategy for nuclear safety, or control of severe plant conditions, the stage before the final barrier.
国会の事故調査委員会は、ＩＡＥＡの５層の防護策のうち、「最後の壁」の前に位置する過酷事故への備え（４層）も、日本はほとんど取り組んでこなかった、と指摘している。
In 2006, the Nuclear Safety Commission tried to make a sweeping review based on the IAEA standards of the priority areas designated under the government’s nuclear disaster prevention policy. But the plan was dropped in the face of opposition from the Nuclear and Industrial Safety Agency, which feared such a review would provoke anxiety among local residents, according to the findings of the investigation.
旧原子力安全委員会は０６年、ＩＡＥＡ基準に沿って防災対策重点地域を見直そうとしたが、原子力安全・保安院が「住民に不安を与える」と抵抗し、見送られたこともわかっている。
The radiation exposure that afflicted many residents around the Fukushima plant could have been avoided. Many patients in hospitals who were not evacuated quickly enough died due to deteriorating health conditions. More than 1,900 people in Fukushima Prefecture have died due to causes related to the nuclear accident.
避けられたはずの被曝を住民は余儀なくされ、救出が遅れた病院で入院患者が体調悪化で相次いで亡くなった。福島県内の関連死は１９００人を超す。
Have all the relevant lessons from the calamity been gleaned and absorbed to prevent any further casualties of administrative nonfeasance?
行政の不作為による犠牲者を生まないため、教訓を徹底的に引き出しているのか。
This is the question local governments should ask first in examining and evaluating their abilities to protect residents from nuclear accidents.
自治体はそこから点検してほしい。
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Intl community must unite in resolve to undermine ISIL’s strength
「イスラム国」 弱体化へ国際社会は結束せよ
To weaken and eventually eliminate a brutal extremist organization, the international community must work together to tighten its noose around it.
残忍な過激派組織の弱体化、壊滅という目標に向けて、国際社会は包囲網を強化すべきだ。
One year has passed since U.S. forces launched airstrikes against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL).
米軍が「イスラム国」に対する空爆を開始してから１年が過ぎた。
As a result of about 6,000 air raids carried out by the United States and an international “coalition of the willing” in Iraq and Syria so far, more than 15,000 ISIL fighters, including some of its leaders, have been killed. Some crude oil facilities, a major source of revenue for the ISIL, and its military installations have been destroyed.
米国と有志連合の国々がイラクとシリアで実施した約６０００回の空爆により、「イスラム国」の幹部を含む戦闘員１万５０００人以上が死亡した。収入源の原油関連施設や軍事施設も破壊した。
Although the air raids have achieved some military gains, prospects for a complete victory over the ISIL remain questionable.
一定の戦果を上げたものの、掃討の見通しは依然、厳しい。
The recruitment of fighters by the ISIL continues, and there is no sign the strength of the extremist group — believed to be between 20,000 and 30,000 fighters — is weakening. Mosul, Iraq’s second largest city captured by the ISIL last year, remains under its rule. Its fighting methods, such as suicide assaults, are reportedly getting more extreme.
「イスラム国」への戦闘員の流入はやまず、２万～３万人とされる勢力に衰えは見えない。昨年制圧したイラク第２の都市モスルでの支配も続く。自爆攻撃など戦闘方法は過激化する一方という。
The menace of extremist groups aligned with the ISIL has spread alarmingly not only throughout the Middle East and Africa but also South Asia and Russia.
同調する過激派の脅威は、中東やアフリカにとどまらず、南アジア、ロシアにも広がっている。
Multifaceted, tenacious endeavors are imperative to stamp out the ISIL. United efforts to address this challenge by the countries concerned must be strengthened even more.
多角的で粘り強い取り組みが掃討につながる。関係国の結束を一段と強めていく必要がある。
The airstrike operations are fraught with many difficulties, such as how to distinguish targets that are hiding among civilians. To make the operations effective, deployment of ground troops is a prerequisite, and the United States has been exerting efforts toward this end by training local forces.
空爆には、住民に紛れた標的の識別など、多くの困難が伴う。効果を上げるには地上部隊が欠かせないため、米国は、現地で戦闘要員の育成を進めている。
Turkish role key factor
Prospective local troops trained by the U.S. forces, however, number no more than 11,000 or so in Iraq and a few dozen in Syria. Training more local troops is urgently needed.
しかし、米軍が訓練し終えた要員はイラクで約１万１０００人、シリアでは数十人に過ぎない。部隊の養成へテコ入れが課題だ。
The United States has been looking for ways to restructure its strategy, as exemplified by an agreement with Turkey, a country bordering Syria, to expand air raids against the ISIL.
米国は、シリアの隣国トルコと空爆拡大への協力で合意するなど戦略の再構築を模索している。
Earlier, it was noted that Turkey, after placing top priority on ousting the regime of Syrian President Bashar Assad, has assumed a lukewarm attitude in responding to the ISIL. Recently, however, Turkey allowed U.S. bombers to use an air base located in Turkey, and that base has been used by U.S. drones to make sorties for the first time.
トルコは従来、シリアのアサド政権打倒を優先し、「イスラム国」への対応が甘いと指摘されていた。だが、最近、米軍機に空爆のための国内基地使用を認め、米無人機が初めて出撃した。
With the aim of beefing up pressure on Raqqa, the key ISIL stronghold in northern Syria, U.S. forces are poised to conduct intensive air raids targeting ISIL fighters near the Turkish border. Attention should be focused on whether the planned air raids will prove to be the first step to turning around the course of the war.
今後、「イスラム国」の牙城であるシリア北部ラッカへの圧力を高めるため、米軍はトルコとの国境沿いで戦闘員を狙った空爆を集中的に行う構えだ。戦況好転への一歩となるか、注視したい。
To stem the inflow of fighters and weapons for the ISIL across the Turkish border, bolstering surveillance at the border, which stretches more than 900 kilometers, is important.
トルコからの戦闘員や武器の流入を阻むには、９００キロを超える国境の監視強化も重要だ。
A problem in this connection is that Turkey has begun attacking minority ethnic Kurds in Iraq and Syria. This campaign is aimed at the possibility of those Kurds collaborating with Kurdish antigovernment armed groups operating in Turkey.
懸念されるのは、トルコがイラクとシリアで少数民族クルド人勢力を攻撃し始めたことだ。自国のクルド系反政府武装組織との連携に対する警戒感が背景にある。
Weakening the influence of the Kurds that have been playing a part in the fight to eradicate the ISIL will undermine the effort to contain it. Turkey should exercise self-restraint in this respect.
「イスラム国」掃討の一翼を担うクルド人勢力の力をそげば、包囲網は弱まる。トルコの自制が求められる。
In addition, improvement of the human rights situation in the conflict-racked region is a matter of urgency. In July, the Japanese government decided to provide about ¥1.2 billion in emergency assistance to Iraq — about 3.1 million Iraqis are internally displaced people. Japan must fulfill its responsibility in fields other than military affairs.
人道状況の改善は急務だ。日本は７月、国内避難民が約３１０万人に上るイラクに約１２億円の緊急援助を決めた。非軍事支援で応分の責任を果たさねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 9, 2015)
Intl community must unite in resolve to undermine ISIL’s strength
「イスラム国」 弱体化へ国際社会は結束せよ
To weaken and eventually eliminate a brutal extremist organization, the international community must work together to tighten its noose around it.
残忍な過激派組織の弱体化、壊滅という目標に向けて、国際社会は包囲網を強化すべきだ。
One year has passed since U.S. forces launched airstrikes against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL).
米軍が「イスラム国」に対する空爆を開始してから１年が過ぎた。
As a result of about 6,000 air raids carried out by the United States and an international “coalition of the willing” in Iraq and Syria so far, more than 15,000 ISIL fighters, including some of its leaders, have been killed. Some crude oil facilities, a major source of revenue for the ISIL, and its military installations have been destroyed.
米国と有志連合の国々がイラクとシリアで実施した約６０００回の空爆により、「イスラム国」の幹部を含む戦闘員１万５０００人以上が死亡した。収入源の原油関連施設や軍事施設も破壊した。
Although the air raids have achieved some military gains, prospects for a complete victory over the ISIL remain questionable.
一定の戦果を上げたものの、掃討の見通しは依然、厳しい。
The recruitment of fighters by the ISIL continues, and there is no sign the strength of the extremist group — believed to be between 20,000 and 30,000 fighters — is weakening. Mosul, Iraq’s second largest city captured by the ISIL last year, remains under its rule. Its fighting methods, such as suicide assaults, are reportedly getting more extreme.
「イスラム国」への戦闘員の流入はやまず、２万～３万人とされる勢力に衰えは見えない。昨年制圧したイラク第２の都市モスルでの支配も続く。自爆攻撃など戦闘方法は過激化する一方という。
The menace of extremist groups aligned with the ISIL has spread alarmingly not only throughout the Middle East and Africa but also South Asia and Russia.
同調する過激派の脅威は、中東やアフリカにとどまらず、南アジア、ロシアにも広がっている。
Multifaceted, tenacious endeavors are imperative to stamp out the ISIL. United efforts to address this challenge by the countries concerned must be strengthened even more.
多角的で粘り強い取り組みが掃討につながる。関係国の結束を一段と強めていく必要がある。
The airstrike operations are fraught with many difficulties, such as how to distinguish targets that are hiding among civilians. To make the operations effective, deployment of ground troops is a prerequisite, and the United States has been exerting efforts toward this end by training local forces.
空爆には、住民に紛れた標的の識別など、多くの困難が伴う。効果を上げるには地上部隊が欠かせないため、米国は、現地で戦闘要員の育成を進めている。
Turkish role key factor
Prospective local troops trained by the U.S. forces, however, number no more than 11,000 or so in Iraq and a few dozen in Syria. Training more local troops is urgently needed.
しかし、米軍が訓練し終えた要員はイラクで約１万１０００人、シリアでは数十人に過ぎない。部隊の養成へテコ入れが課題だ。
The United States has been looking for ways to restructure its strategy, as exemplified by an agreement with Turkey, a country bordering Syria, to expand air raids against the ISIL.
米国は、シリアの隣国トルコと空爆拡大への協力で合意するなど戦略の再構築を模索している。
Earlier, it was noted that Turkey, after placing top priority on ousting the regime of Syrian President Bashar Assad, has assumed a lukewarm attitude in responding to the ISIL. Recently, however, Turkey allowed U.S. bombers to use an air base located in Turkey, and that base has been used by U.S. drones to make sorties for the first time.
トルコは従来、シリアのアサド政権打倒を優先し、「イスラム国」への対応が甘いと指摘されていた。だが、最近、米軍機に空爆のための国内基地使用を認め、米無人機が初めて出撃した。
With the aim of beefing up pressure on Raqqa, the key ISIL stronghold in northern Syria, U.S. forces are poised to conduct intensive air raids targeting ISIL fighters near the Turkish border. Attention should be focused on whether the planned air raids will prove to be the first step to turning around the course of the war.
今後、「イスラム国」の牙城であるシリア北部ラッカへの圧力を高めるため、米軍はトルコとの国境沿いで戦闘員を狙った空爆を集中的に行う構えだ。戦況好転への一歩となるか、注視したい。
To stem the inflow of fighters and weapons for the ISIL across the Turkish border, bolstering surveillance at the border, which stretches more than 900 kilometers, is important.
トルコからの戦闘員や武器の流入を阻むには、９００キロを超える国境の監視強化も重要だ。
A problem in this connection is that Turkey has begun attacking minority ethnic Kurds in Iraq and Syria. This campaign is aimed at the possibility of those Kurds collaborating with Kurdish antigovernment armed groups operating in Turkey.
懸念されるのは、トルコがイラクとシリアで少数民族クルド人勢力を攻撃し始めたことだ。自国のクルド系反政府武装組織との連携に対する警戒感が背景にある。
Weakening the influence of the Kurds that have been playing a part in the fight to eradicate the ISIL will undermine the effort to contain it. Turkey should exercise self-restraint in this respect.
「イスラム国」掃討の一翼を担うクルド人勢力の力をそげば、包囲網は弱まる。トルコの自制が求められる。
In addition, improvement of the human rights situation in the conflict-racked region is a matter of urgency. In July, the Japanese government decided to provide about ¥1.2 billion in emergency assistance to Iraq — about 3.1 million Iraqis are internally displaced people. Japan must fulfill its responsibility in fields other than military affairs.
人道状況の改善は急務だ。日本は７月、国内避難民が約３１０万人に上るイラクに約１２億円の緊急援助を決めた。非軍事支援で応分の責任を果たさねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 9, 2015)
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Japan should patiently press issue of abductions with North Korea
日朝外相会談 拉致問題解決を粘り強く迫れ
The government is expected to move the issue of Japanese nationals abducted by North Korean agents forward by using the fact that a high-level meeting has been held between Tokyo and Pyongyang as leverage.
高いレベルでの北朝鮮との会談の実現をテコにして、日本人拉致問題の前進を図りたい。
Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida met his North Korean counterpart, Ri Su Yong, on the sidelines of meetings held by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Malaysia.
マレーシアで行われた東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）の一連の関連会議に合わせ、岸田外相が北朝鮮の李洙●外相と会談した。（●は土へんに庸）
Kishida protested to Ri during their talks that although Pyongyang has conducted reinvestigations on the abduction of Japanese nationals by its agents for more than a year, it has not reported any results. Kishida called it “regrettable” and asked the North Korean government again to send all the abduction victims home as soon as possible.
北朝鮮の拉致被害者再調査が１年以上行われているのに、報告が一切ないことについて、岸田氏は「遺憾だ」と抗議した。全被害者の早期帰国も改めて求めた。
Ri told him that his government has been reinvestigating the incidents sincerely based on the agreement made between Tokyo and Pyongyang.
李氏は、「（日朝両政府の）合意に基づき、調査を誠実に履行している」と弁明した。
Only North Korean leader Kim Jong Un can make a political decision to clarify the whole picture of the abductions, which are a state crime, and allow the victims to come home quickly.
拉致という国家犯罪の全容を明らかにし、被害者を速やかに日本へ帰国させる。その政治決断は、金正恩第１書記しか下せない。
In that sense, it is meaningful that Kishida could directly tell Ri, a powerful figure allegedly close to Kim, the importance of solving the abduction issue.
金第１書記と近い実力者とされる李氏に拉致問題解決の重要性を直接伝えた意義は小さくない。
It is important not to make the foreign ministerial meeting between Japan and North Korea a one-time event but to connect it to the progress of the reinvestigation.
重要なのは、日朝外相会談を１回限りのものにせず、再調査の進展に結びつけることだ。
Instead of only a brief contact, Ri agreed this time to 30-minute-long talks with his Japanese counterpart.
李氏は今回、短時間の接触でなく、約３０分間の会談に応じた。
Pyongyang intends to force Japan to relax sanctions and extend food aid to North Korea in return for the reinvestigation. It apparently wants to avoid international isolation by maintaining talks with Japan.
北朝鮮には、再調査の見返りに、日本から制裁緩和や食糧支援などを引き出す思惑がある。国際的な孤立を回避するため、日本との交渉自体は継続したいのだろう。
Strategic move necessary
The government must make a strategic move that no longer allows North Korea to play for time or maneuver cleverly.
政府に求められるのは、北朝鮮にこれ以上の時間稼ぎや駆け引きを許さない戦略的取り組みだ。
Pyongyang claims that it has been conducting a comprehensive reinvestigation of the abductions, including issues related to remains of Japanese victims. However, the priority of the reinvestigation should be on the abduction victims who cannot come home yet.
北朝鮮は、日本人遺骨問題を含めた包括的な再調査を行っていると主張する。だが、最優先すべきは未帰国の拉致被害者である。
If the North Koreans remain unable to report even information about the fate of the abductees, resumption of sanctions, which were lifted last year, and introduction of new measures such as prohibition of money transfers to North Korea cannot be avoided.
安否情報の通報さえない状況が続くなら、昨年解除した制裁の復活や、送金の原則禁止などの新たな措置を取らざるを得まい。
The government should strongly urge North Korea to report on the progress of the reinvestigation. One option might be setting a new deadline for progress.
再調査の進捗しんちょく状況の報告を強く促すべきだ。再調査に改めて期限を設けるのも選択肢となろう。
In Malaysia, Kishida also held separate talks with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and South Korean Foreign Minister Yun Byung Se, both of whom also attended the ASEAN meetings.
マレーシアで岸田氏は、会議に出席した中国の王毅、韓国の尹炳世両外相とも個別に会談した。
In reference to a statement Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is going to issue to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II, Wan said that he expected Abe to “face history with a responsible attitude.” Yun said he expects Abe to “reconfirm the perception of history held by past cabinets.” Kishida replied to them that the Abe Cabinet will “succeed the positions of the past cabinets in general.”
王氏は安倍首相の戦後７０年談話に関し、「歴史に責任ある態度で向き合ってほしい」と語った。尹氏は「歴代内閣の歴史認識の再確認を期待する」と述べた。岸田氏は「歴代内閣の立場を全体として引き継ぐ」と説明した。
The Advisory Panel on the History of the 20th Century and on Japan’s Role and World Order in the 21st Century submitted a report to the prime minister that it compiled after discussing the planned statement. “Japan expanded its aggression” after the 1931 Manchurian Incident, the panel said in the report. “Based on the deep remorse [for the war], Japan has been reborn as a country that is completely different from what it was … ”
談話内容を検討した有識者懇談会は、日本が満州事変以後、「侵略」を拡大し、戦後は先の大戦への「痛切な反省」に基づき、全く異なる国に生まれ変わったとする報告書を安倍首相に提出した。
In the planned statement, the prime minister should review Japan’s past based on the perception of history presented in the report and clearly announce his will to build future-oriented relations with both China and South Korea.
首相は談話で、報告書の歴史認識を踏まえて過去を総括し、中韓両国と未来志向の関係を構築する意思を明確に打ち出すべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 8, 2015)
Japan should patiently press issue of abductions with North Korea
日朝外相会談 拉致問題解決を粘り強く迫れ
The government is expected to move the issue of Japanese nationals abducted by North Korean agents forward by using the fact that a high-level meeting has been held between Tokyo and Pyongyang as leverage.
高いレベルでの北朝鮮との会談の実現をテコにして、日本人拉致問題の前進を図りたい。
Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida met his North Korean counterpart, Ri Su Yong, on the sidelines of meetings held by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Malaysia.
マレーシアで行われた東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）の一連の関連会議に合わせ、岸田外相が北朝鮮の李洙●外相と会談した。（●は土へんに庸）
Kishida protested to Ri during their talks that although Pyongyang has conducted reinvestigations on the abduction of Japanese nationals by its agents for more than a year, it has not reported any results. Kishida called it “regrettable” and asked the North Korean government again to send all the abduction victims home as soon as possible.
北朝鮮の拉致被害者再調査が１年以上行われているのに、報告が一切ないことについて、岸田氏は「遺憾だ」と抗議した。全被害者の早期帰国も改めて求めた。
Ri told him that his government has been reinvestigating the incidents sincerely based on the agreement made between Tokyo and Pyongyang.
李氏は、「（日朝両政府の）合意に基づき、調査を誠実に履行している」と弁明した。
Only North Korean leader Kim Jong Un can make a political decision to clarify the whole picture of the abductions, which are a state crime, and allow the victims to come home quickly.
拉致という国家犯罪の全容を明らかにし、被害者を速やかに日本へ帰国させる。その政治決断は、金正恩第１書記しか下せない。
In that sense, it is meaningful that Kishida could directly tell Ri, a powerful figure allegedly close to Kim, the importance of solving the abduction issue.
金第１書記と近い実力者とされる李氏に拉致問題解決の重要性を直接伝えた意義は小さくない。
It is important not to make the foreign ministerial meeting between Japan and North Korea a one-time event but to connect it to the progress of the reinvestigation.
重要なのは、日朝外相会談を１回限りのものにせず、再調査の進展に結びつけることだ。
Instead of only a brief contact, Ri agreed this time to 30-minute-long talks with his Japanese counterpart.
李氏は今回、短時間の接触でなく、約３０分間の会談に応じた。
Pyongyang intends to force Japan to relax sanctions and extend food aid to North Korea in return for the reinvestigation. It apparently wants to avoid international isolation by maintaining talks with Japan.
北朝鮮には、再調査の見返りに、日本から制裁緩和や食糧支援などを引き出す思惑がある。国際的な孤立を回避するため、日本との交渉自体は継続したいのだろう。
Strategic move necessary
The government must make a strategic move that no longer allows North Korea to play for time or maneuver cleverly.
政府に求められるのは、北朝鮮にこれ以上の時間稼ぎや駆け引きを許さない戦略的取り組みだ。
Pyongyang claims that it has been conducting a comprehensive reinvestigation of the abductions, including issues related to remains of Japanese victims. However, the priority of the reinvestigation should be on the abduction victims who cannot come home yet.
北朝鮮は、日本人遺骨問題を含めた包括的な再調査を行っていると主張する。だが、最優先すべきは未帰国の拉致被害者である。
If the North Koreans remain unable to report even information about the fate of the abductees, resumption of sanctions, which were lifted last year, and introduction of new measures such as prohibition of money transfers to North Korea cannot be avoided.
安否情報の通報さえない状況が続くなら、昨年解除した制裁の復活や、送金の原則禁止などの新たな措置を取らざるを得まい。
The government should strongly urge North Korea to report on the progress of the reinvestigation. One option might be setting a new deadline for progress.
再調査の進捗しんちょく状況の報告を強く促すべきだ。再調査に改めて期限を設けるのも選択肢となろう。
In Malaysia, Kishida also held separate talks with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and South Korean Foreign Minister Yun Byung Se, both of whom also attended the ASEAN meetings.
マレーシアで岸田氏は、会議に出席した中国の王毅、韓国の尹炳世両外相とも個別に会談した。
In reference to a statement Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is going to issue to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II, Wan said that he expected Abe to “face history with a responsible attitude.” Yun said he expects Abe to “reconfirm the perception of history held by past cabinets.” Kishida replied to them that the Abe Cabinet will “succeed the positions of the past cabinets in general.”
王氏は安倍首相の戦後７０年談話に関し、「歴史に責任ある態度で向き合ってほしい」と語った。尹氏は「歴代内閣の歴史認識の再確認を期待する」と述べた。岸田氏は「歴代内閣の立場を全体として引き継ぐ」と説明した。
The Advisory Panel on the History of the 20th Century and on Japan’s Role and World Order in the 21st Century submitted a report to the prime minister that it compiled after discussing the planned statement. “Japan expanded its aggression” after the 1931 Manchurian Incident, the panel said in the report. “Based on the deep remorse [for the war], Japan has been reborn as a country that is completely different from what it was … ”
談話内容を検討した有識者懇談会は、日本が満州事変以後、「侵略」を拡大し、戦後は先の大戦への「痛切な反省」に基づき、全く異なる国に生まれ変わったとする報告書を安倍首相に提出した。
In the planned statement, the prime minister should review Japan’s past based on the perception of history presented in the report and clearly announce his will to build future-oriented relations with both China and South Korea.
首相は談話で、報告書の歴史認識を踏まえて過去を総括し、中韓両国と未来志向の関係を構築する意思を明確に打ち出すべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 8, 2015)
スポンサードリンク
プロフィール
カイちゃん父親に花束を捧げる
タイのスラチャイです
妻はタイ人、娘ばかり３人も！ 
■近況
２００９年の９月１５日に脳梗塞を発症、右手が少し不自由になりました。
MRAで脳梗塞の部位を特定でき、素早い処置をとれたので大事に至りませんでした。
快復にむけてリハビリ中です。
(2011/01/01更新)
■自己紹介・リンク
[ はじめに ]
タイのスラチャイです。
英語学習に王道はありません。
毎日毎日の地道な努力の積み重ねが必要です。
スラチャイはＮＨＫのラジオ英語会話で現在の英語力を身につけました。
一日僅か１５分の学習でも数年間継続すれば相当な学習効果が期待できます。
[ 名前 ]
松井 清 （スラチャイ）
[ 略歴 ]
・福岡県出身
・国立高知大学卒業
・準大手建設会社に就職
・50歳で会社を早期退職
・99/10 タイ全土を旅行
・00/10 タイに移住
・03/07 カイちゃん誕生
・07/06 シーファーちゃん誕生
・現在タイ国コンケン在住
[ 座右の銘 ]
Slow and steady wins the race.
遅くとも着実な者が勝利する
（NHK基礎英語芹沢栄先生）
[ 学習の手引き ]
・音読して耳から英語を吸収
・Think in English.
・ネイティブ発音付辞書活用
・英英辞典を活用（英和も）
・翻訳和文で専門用語確認
[ English Newspapers ]
Yomiuri
Mainichi
Asahi
Japan Times
Washington Post
Newyork Times
Bangkok Post
The Nations
Phuket Gazette
[ 英字新聞の英和対訳学習 ]
英字新聞（読売）
英字新聞（毎日）
英字新聞（朝日）
英字新聞（朝日２）
[ スラチャイ編集の辞書 ]
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ラオ日辞書
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[ 英字新聞リンク ]
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10 よくわからないときの返事
11 強めのあいづち
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