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タイ在住11年目、妻はタイ人、娘が2人、養女が2人

November 17, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: Return Futenma base relocation negotiations to square one
社説:辺野古移設に審判　白紙に戻して再交渉を

Public opposition within Okinawa Prefecture to the planned relocation of U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma to the city of Nago in the prefecture is never likely to wilt.
　米軍普天間飛行場（沖縄県宜野湾市）の名護市辺野古への移設に反対する地元の民意はもう後戻りしないだろう。

In the Okinawa gubernatorial election on Nov. 16, former Naha Mayor Takeshi Onaga defeated incumbent Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima, who had approved the government's application for a landfill project to build a replacement facility for the Futenma base in the Henoko district of Nago. His landslide victory denied Nakaima a third term in office.
沖縄県知事選で、翁長雄志（おながたけし）前那覇市長が３選を目指す仲井真弘多（ひろかず）知事らを破り初当選した。１月の名護市長選に引き続き、またも移設反対派が、安倍政権の全面支援を受けた推進派を退けたことになる。

Relocation of the base to Henoko stood as the primary issue in the election, and locals clearly voiced their opinion. Both politically and morally, it seems impossible for the central government to go ahead with the relocation as it stands. The government should return the relocation plans to the drawing board and resume negotiations with the U.S. government.
　辺野古移設を最大の争点にした選挙でこれだけ明確な民意が示された以上、政府が移設を推進することは、政治的にも道義的にも不可能だろう。政府は移設計画を白紙に戻し、米政府と再交渉すべきだ。

　◇本土と沖縄に深刻な溝

Onaga's latest victory carries more weight than in previous gubernatorial elections.
　翁長氏の勝利は、過去の知事選に比べてもとりわけ重い意味を持つ。

This is because rather than engaging in a battle between conservatives and reformists, Onaga defined it as one between Okinawa and mainland Japan.
　沖縄の知事選で初めて保革対決が崩れ、翁長氏が「沖縄対本土」という対立構図を強調する中で勝利したからだ。

Onaga is a mainstay in Okinawa's conservative political world.
翁長氏は沖縄保守政界の重鎮だ。

Yet in the Nov. 16 election, some conservative local politicians were able to join hands with the Japanese Communist Party, Social Democratic Party and other reformist parties to support Onaga, and he defeated Nakaima, who had been backed by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and other groups.
保守系地方議員の一部や共産、社民両党など革新政党が支援して保革共闘ができ、自民党などの推薦を受けた仲井真氏に勝った。

Two slogans emerged as part of Onaga's public pledge to oppose construction of a new base: "All Okinawa" and "Identity rather than ideology." These phrases encompass the following about the situation and the people of Okinawa. The message they are saying is:
　翁長氏の公約「新基地建設反対」の合言葉は、「オール沖縄」「イデオロギーよりアイデンティティー」だった。そこには次のような意味が込められている。

"The system of the Japan-U.S. security pact is understandable, but we want all of Japan to bear the burden of Japan's security. It is unreasonable for Okinawa, which comprises just 0.6 percent of Japan's total land area, to house 74 percent of U.S. military facilities. Is this not a form of structural discrimination?
　＜日米安保体制は理解するが、日本の安全保障は日本全体で負担してほしい。国土面積の０・６％しかない沖縄に在日米軍専用施設の７４％が集中しているのは理不尽で、沖縄への構造的差別ではないか。

"It is mistaken to think that Okinawa could not survive economically without military bases. Base-related revenue has fallen to 5 percent of Okinawa's total. As it stands, the bases represent the single biggest obstacle to Okinawa's economic development.
　沖縄は基地経済がないと立ちゆかないという見方は誤りで、基地関連収入が県経済に占める割合は現在では５％に減った。基地は今や沖縄経済発展の最大の阻害要因だ。

"The process of splitting up into leftists and rightists and conservative and reformist camps over the military base issue, and pressuring parties to decide between bases or the economy represents an old-fashioned way of thinking. 　基地をはさんで左右や保革に分かれたり、基地か経済かの二者択一を迫ったりするのは、旧態依然の古い発想だ。

The base issue is no longer one of ideology.
基地問題はもうイデオロギーではない。

Okinawa's identity is the issue, and we will decide on Okinawa's future by ourselves."
沖縄のアイデンティティーの問題であり、沖縄の将来は自分たちの手で決める＞

Onaga's victory raises serious questions for the Japanese government and each person in mainland Japan.
　翁長氏の勝利は、日本政府と本土の一人一人に根本的な疑問を突きつける。

Why don't people understand or have any interest in Okinawa's current situation?
なぜ沖縄の現状に無理解で無関心なのか。

Why isn't the public will of the people in Okinawa being faced seriously?
なぜ沖縄の民意に真剣に向き合わないのか。

Doesn't this run counter to democracy?
それは民主主義にもとるのではないか、と。

If the central government ignores the results of the latest election and goes ahead with the relocation as planned, the gap between mainland Japan and Okinawa will only widen, and could produce a decisive rift.
　政府が今回の選挙結果を無視し、移設を強行すれば、本土と沖縄の溝はますます深まり、亀裂が決定的になりかねない。

Okinawa cannot accept an excessive burden of hosting military bases while feeling that it is being discriminated against.
沖縄が不当に差別されているという感情を抱えたまま、過重な基地負担を引き受けられるものではない。

Conflicting positions are certain to destabilize the Japan-U.S. security alliance.
この矛盾は日米安保体制を確実に不安定化させるだろう。

The central government has direct control over security, but this doesn't mean that it can disregard the will of the people.
　安全保障は国の専管事項だが、それは地元の意向を勘案しなくていいという意味ではない。

If security policies don't win understanding from locals or the public as a whole, then they will not stand.
地元をはじめ国民全体の理解がなければ安全保障政策など成り立たない。

In situations like this, in which central government policy and the will of the people clash, the government should make an effort to close the divide. However, it has not sufficiently fulfilled its responsibility in this regard.
今回のように国の方針と地元の民意が対立した場合、政府は両者の溝を埋める努力をすべきだが、責任を十分に果たしてこなかった。

On the contrary, Onaga's victory was fueled by intense anger from people in Okinawa over the way the administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has proceeded in connection with the Futenma base issue.
　それどころか翁長氏の勝利を後押ししたのは、安倍政権の普天間問題の進め方に対する沖縄の人々の激しい怒りだった。

Nakaima was elected in the previous gubernatorial election after promising to relocate the Futenma base outside Okinawa Prefecture.
仲井真氏は前回知事選では県外移設を公約して再選された。

But at the end of last year, he approved the central government's application to proceed with landfill work off Henoko in recognition of the government's economic stimulus measures -- a violation of his public pledge.
だが昨年末、仲井真氏は政府の経済振興策などを評価し公約に反する形で辺野古埋め立てを承認した。

The pride of the people in Okinawa was hurt by the central government's tactics, under which the government appeared to think it could win Okinawa over if it provided money in the form of stimulus measures.
この過程で振興策というカネさえ積めば沖縄を懐柔できると考えているかのような政府のやり方に、沖縄の人々は誇りを傷つけられた。

　◇米国内にも計画に異論

With the problem having become so complicated, it is unrealistic to adhere to the current relocation plans.
　ここまで問題がこじれた以上、現行の移設計画に固執するのは現実的ではない。

This summer, the central government started a drilling survey on the seabed off the coast of the Henoko district in line with its land refill plans. It has indicated that it will go ahead with the relocation to Henoko regardless of the latest election results, but the survey should be called off.
政府は今夏、辺野古沿岸部の埋め立てに向けた海底ボーリング調査を開始し、選挙結果にかかわらず移設を推進する方針を示しているが、調査を中止すべきだ。

However, if the Henoko relocation plans are taken back to the drawing board, this must not result in the Futenma base being left where it is.
　ただし、辺野古の白紙化を普天間の固定化につなげてはならない。

The whole point of the Futenma relocation is to remove the danger posed by the base, which, with its close proximity to residential areas, has been described as the most dangerous in the world.
この問題の原点は、「世界一危険な基地」といわれる普天間の一日も早い危険性除去にある。

The Abe administration has promised to halt operations at Futenma within five years, and it must make an effort to lighten the burden posed by hosting U.S. military bases.
安倍政権は今後も沖縄と約束した「普天間の５年以内の運用停止」をはじめとする基地負担軽減策を進めるべきだ。

At the same time, it must not cut back the yearly budget of over 300 billion yen that it has promised to provide Okinawa in the form of stimulus measures.
沖縄振興策も毎年３０００億円台の予算を確保するという約束を違えて減額することがあってはならない。

Eighteen years have passed since an agreement was made on returning the Futenma base.
　普天間返還合意から１８年。

It is probably no easy task to renegotiate an issue over which Japan and the U.S. have made repeated agreements, but if the Japanese and U.S. indeed see eye to eye on the deep influence of public opinion in Okinawa, then discussions will naturally progress to a new stage.
日本と合意を重ねてきた米国との再交渉に持ち込むのは容易ではなかろう。それでも沖縄の民意がもたらす深刻な影響を日米両政府が共有すれば、おのずと協議は新たな段階に移っていくはずだ。

The Japanese and U.S. governments say that relocation of the Futenma base to Henoko is the "only solution." However, the view that this is unrealistic has emerged within U.S. Congress.
　日米両政府の合意は辺野古移設を「唯一の解決策」としているが、米議会には辺野古は非現実的だとして異なる意見があり、

Senator John McCain and others proposed that Futenma be consolidated with the U.S. military's Kadena air base. マケイン上院議員らが米軍嘉手納基地に統合する案を提案したこともある。

This summer, meanwhile, Joseph Nye, former U.S. deputy to the undersecretary of state for security assistance, pointed out the weaknesses of U.S. military bases on Okinawa, and sought revisions to the deployment of U.S. military forces in Japan.
　ジョセフ・ナイ元米国防次官補は今夏、沖縄の米軍基地の脆弱（ぜいじゃく）性を指摘し、在日米軍の配備見直しを求めた。

So even in the United States, objections have emerged.
米国でも異論が出ているのだ。

The role that the Japan-U.S. security alliance has in providing stability for Japan and other countries in Asia is large. 　日米安保体制が日本とアジア地域の安定に果たす役割は大きい。

Considering China's military expansion and maritime advances, and the situation in North Korea, it is necessary to maintain the deterrence provided by U.S. military forces in Japan.
中国の軍備拡張や海洋進出、北朝鮮情勢を考えれば、在日米軍の抑止力は維持する必要がある。

The Japanese government must address friction with Okinawa and seek new negotiations with the U.S. to devise a solution -- even if this is for the worthy purpose of smoothly operating the Japan-U.S. security alliance.
　日米安保体制を安定的に運用していくという大きな目的のためにも、日本政府は沖縄との摩擦を放置せず、米政府に再交渉を求めて問題解決を図るべきだ。

毎日新聞　2014年11月17日　東京朝刊

今回の騒動、安倍首相の指導力を根幹から問われるような事件であると思います。
もしも安倍首相が、内々で消費税再増税延期と衆院解散総選挙を内定していたとなれば、彼は相当は悪人ということになります。
金儲けをするためにはどんなこともやる自民党の手法にはうんざりしています。
庶民のささやかな幸せのことなど眼中にないようです。
その証拠に急激な円安に対する目配りだって、約束したのに、実態は野放しでなんです。
もしも解散総選挙がなされれば自民党には絶対入れません。
（スラチャイ）

--The Asahi Shimbun, Nov. 12
EDITORIAL: No good rationale for calling a snap election
（社説）政治と増税　解散に大義はあるか

First, there were just low whispers that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was considering dissolving the Lower House for a snap election. But before we knew it, the powerful winds of dissolution started whipping up in Japanese political circles.
　「安倍首相が衆院解散を検討している」。こんなささやきが、あれよあれよという間に解散風という突風になって吹き荒れている。

Toshihiro Nikai, chairman of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party’s General Council, has pledged to “make all necessary preparations (for an election).” Natsuo Yamaguchi, chief representative of Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner, has ordered senior party officials to start preparing for a poll.
　自民党の二階総務会長は「万全の態勢を整えていく」と語り、公明党の山口代表も選挙準備に入るよう党幹部に指示した。

Banri Kaieda, president of the opposition Democratic Party of Japan, has assumed a brave attitude, saying, “We are ready to take up the gauntlet.”
民主党の海江田代表も「受けて立つ」と勇ましい。

According to one rumored game plan, Abe will postpone the consumption tax rate hike to 10 percent that is slated for October next year following the Nov. 17 release of preliminary gross domestic product data for the July-September quarter. He will then announce his intention to dissolve the Lower House for a snap election to seek a popular mandate for his tax policy decision.
　語られているシナリオのひとつは、こうだ。１７日に発表される７～９月の国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）の速報値を受け、首相は来年１０月に予定されている消費税率の１０％への引き上げの先送りを決断、その是非を問うために衆院の解散を表明する。

Abe, who is currently on an overseas tour, has stressed he has made no decision on when he will dissolve the Lower House. He brushed aside news reports about his intention to call an election, saying they are simply based on speculation.
　外遊中の安倍首相は、「解散のタイミングは何ら決めていない。臆測に基づく報道だ」と強調する。

But now the stormy winds of election appear unlikely to die down.
それでも、いったん吹き始めた風はどうにも止まりそうにない。

It is unsettling to see how things are panning out in this nation’s political arena.
　こんな政治のありように、強い違和感を覚える。

The scheduled consumption tax increase, intended as a key component of integrated tax and social security reform, is based on an agreement among the DPJ, the LDP and Komeito that was reached in June 2012 when the DPJ was in power. The agreement has since been enshrined into law.
　消費税率の引き上げは、民主党政権下の１２年６月、社会保障と税の一体改革として民主、自民、公明の３党で合意され、法にも明記された。

But a supplementary provision in the law says the final decision on the tax hike should depend on economic conditions.
ただ、法の付則には、経済状況によって最終判断する趣旨の規定がある。

The three-party agreement calls for a measure that will inevitably cause pain to taxpayers. It represents a sort of transpartisan political effort to tackle head-on the grim reality of swelling social security spending amid a serious revenue shortage. It is a painful but important step.
　３党合意は、国民に痛みを強いる内容だ。社会保障費の増大と財源不足という現実に、与野党を超えて政治が正面から向き合うという、苦いけれど重たい意味があった。

At first glance, there seems to be good justification for calling an election to seek a public mandate for the decision to postpone the tax increase, which effectively breaches the three-party accord.
　その合意を破棄する形になる以上、総選挙で信を問うというのはひとつの理屈かも知れない。

But we find it hard to accept this argument at face value.
だが、額面通りにはとても受け取れない。

The Abe administration has said the GDP data for the July-September quarter will be a crucial factor for the tax decision. This has become a common understanding in both the ruling and opposition camps.
　政権は７～９月のＧＤＰを判断のよりどころにすると言い、それが与野党の共通認識となってきた。

But all this talk about an election is happening before the GDP figures come out.
その数字が明らかになる前のこの騒ぎである。

It is hard not to suspect that the ruling camp is moving toward an election based purely on political motives driven by the fear that raising the consumption tax again in the face of strong public opposition could prove a political disaster.
増税に反対の世論が強い中、これに逆らうことは難しいという政局的な判断が先に立ったのかと疑わざるを得ない。

This view is further supported by certain remarks made by senior ruling party officials.
　加えて、与党幹部から聞こえてくるのはこんな声だ。

A Lower House election next year will be an uphill battle for the ruling party because offline nuclear reactors will restart and Diet debate on bills to legalize Japan’s use of its right to collective self-defense will start, according to one such official.
　「原発再稼働や集団的自衛権の関連法整備が控える来年に衆院選を戦うのは厳しい」

“We are in a strong political position now (to face an election) because opposition parties are not prepared,” said another.
「野党の選挙準備がととのっていない今が有利だ」

This is a picture of purely partisan political theater.
　まさに党利党略。

The tax increase, which puts an additional monetary burden on the public, is designed to secure the long-term financial sustainability of social security.
国民に負担増を求めることになっても、社会保障を将来にわたって持続可能にする――。

The remarks made by senior ruling party officials indicate they think it is more important to ensure that they remain in power than to achieve this vital policy goal.
こうした政策目標よりも、政権の座を持続可能にすることの方が大切だと言わんばかりではないか。

It is not yet clear what Abe really thinks.
　安倍首相の本心はまだ不明である。

But democracy is not a game.
だが、民主主義はゲームではない。

There is no rationale for dissolving the Lower House now.
こんな解散に大義があるとは思えない。

November 12, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: PM should carefully consider points of contention, timing of general election
社説:早期解散論　その発想はあざとい

Speculation is growing within the political world that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe will likely dissolve the House of Representatives to call a snap general election by the end of this year. According to speculation, the prime minister will decide later this month to postpone the consumption tax hike from 8 to 10 percent, which is scheduled for October 2015, and ask voters to support his decision through an election.
　安倍晋三首相が年内の衆院解散・総選挙に踏み切るのではないかとの見方が広がっている。来年１０月の消費税率１０％への引き上げの先送りを首相が判断し、民意を問うというシナリオが取りざたされている。

The ruling coalition has failed to make sufficient efforts to lay the groundwork for the tax increase. Moreover, the ruling bloc appears to be attempting to take advantage of public opinion against the tax hike to win an election. Serious questions remain as to whether a delay in the consumption tax increase should be recognized as a sufficient reason for calling a general election.
　政権与党が税率引き上げの環境を整える努力を尽くさず、しかも増税に慎重な世論に乗じて選挙にまで利用しようという発想が感じられる。民意を問う大義たり得るか、今の議論には疑問を抱かざるを得ない。

Legislators are far from holding in-depth general debate in the Diet. Both ruling and opposition parties have already begun preparing for an election as speculation is spreading from the ruling coalition about the schedule for dissolving the chamber and holding an election.
　腰を据えた国会論戦からはもはや遠い雰囲気だ。与党からは解散や選挙日程をめぐる観測が流れ、与野党は選挙準備に動き出している。

Despite these moves, Prime Minister Abe has denied intending to dissolve the lower house anytime soon saying that he has "not decided at all" about the timing of an election. Whether to dissolve the chamber is entirely up to the prime minister. There are observations among those within the political world that ruling coalition politicians are deliberately spreading rumors about a possible dissolution in a bid to keep opposition parties in check as the ongoing extraordinary Diet session is nearing an end.
　首相は解散について「（時期は）何ら決めていない」などと説明している。実際に解散するかは首相の胸三寸だ。解散説は臨時国会の終盤を控え、与党による野党のけん制が狙いとの見方も依然としてある。

However, if the prime minister were to be seriously considering dissolving the chamber, the reason for that would be called into question. A senior government official pointed out that a delay in the consumption tax hike could be a justifiable reason for calling a general election because such a decision would overturn an agreement on the tax increase between the now ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), its coalition partner Komeito and the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) which is now the largest opposition party. However, is this really so?
　だが、本当に解散を検討しているのであれば、その理由が問われる。消費増税先送りについて政府高官は「増税の自公民３党合意をひっくり返すのだから（国民に）信を問う大義名分になる」と語っている。
　国民の審判をもう一度仰ぐという理屈は一見もっともらしく聞こえる。だが、本当にそうだろうか。

The government should go ahead with the consumption tax increase to 10 percent as scheduled after addressing outstanding issues, such as lessening the burden on low income earners and slashing the number of seats in the lower house, which the legislature has failed to act on for a long time. The ruling coalition has not been enthusiastic about working on these issues.
　１０％への増税は本来、生活弱者の負担軽減策や、放置されたままの衆院定数削減など「宿題」を片付けて予定通り行うべきものだ。これまで与党がこうした課題の克服に真剣に取り組んできたとは言えまい。

Uncertainty over economic conditions, which some ruling coalition legislators cite as the reason for calling for a delay in the tax hike, is attributable to the failure of "Abenomics," the economic policy mix promoted by the Abe government, to produce sufficient results. If the economic conditions were to be so serious that the tax hike needs to be postponed, the government should scrutinize economic stimulus measures it has so far implemented.
　与党内で先送り論の根拠とされる景気動向への不安にしてもアベノミクスが想定通りに運ばない反映ではないか。増税を先送りするほど状況が悪いというのであれば、必要なのは経済政策の検証であろう。

In the campaign for the previous general election, the LDP, Komeito and the DPJ asked voters to accept the tax hike because these main political parties were aware of the need to share the responsibility for increasing the tax burden on the public. These parties attempted to share a common view on tax and social security by putting aside their struggle for power.
　さきの衆院選で自公民が増税実施の３党合意を掲げたのは国民に痛みを強いる責任を主要政党が分担する意味があったはずだ。政争と一線を画して税と社会保障の共通認識を得ようという政治の知恵だった。

If the ruling coalition were to scrap the three-party accord and pledge a postponement of the tax hike in the next lower house race, the efforts the three parties have patiently made to form a consensus among them would come to nothing.
　ところが合意をほごにし、増税先送りを選挙で掲げるようでは、こうした努力を台無しにしかねない。

Some within the ruling coalition fear that it will be increasingly difficult to run the government next year when the administration needs to draft security bills as Komeito is wary of expanding the role Japan should play in global security. The economic outlook is also increasingly uncertain. If ruling party politicians were to be calling for a dissolution of the lower chamber because they believe they can rely on the relatively high approval rating for the Abe Cabinet, they should be criticized as being sly.
　経済動向が不透明なうえ、公明党との調整が難航必至の安全保障法制の整備も控えるなど、与党には来年以降の政権運営を危ぶむ見方があるようだ。増税先送りを奇貨として、世論の追い風をあてこんだ解散論とすれば、あざとさすら感じる。

The DPJ has insisted that the consumption tax hike and expansion of the social security system should be implemented as a package. Concerns remain that voters could be forced to make a choice without clear points of contention or in-depth policy debate if a general election were to be called quickly. Prime Minister Abe should cautiously consider points of contention during a lower house race and select the timing of the election.
　消費税率引き上げをめぐっては民主党も社会保障拡充などとのパッケージ化が前提だと説明している。急な選挙が行われた場合、争点が定まらず、政策論争も深まらないまま有権者が選択を迫られる懸念もぬぐえない。民意を問うテーマと時期について、首相は慎重に判断すべきだ。

毎日新聞　2014年11月12日　02時35分

中国は最初から北京で日中首脳会談を予定はなかったみたいです。（国旗が準備されてなかった）
安倍首相にくいさがられて、いやいやながら、握手したというところではないでしょうか。
日中首脳会談の写真だけ、両国国旗が映っていません。
習国家主席が、あの場面で、日本の安倍首相と仲良くするような写真を撮りたくなかったのは明白なんです。
まったく大人気ない対応だと感じました。
（スラチャイ）

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Time to shift Japan-China relations from confrontation to cooperation
日中首脳会談　対立から協調へ舵を切る時だ

It is time for Japan and China, as two great powers responsible for ensuring world peace and prosperity, to change their relationship from one of confrontation to cooperation.
　世界の平和と繁栄に重い責任を持つ大国同士として、対立から協調関係へ舵かじを切る時である。

During their meeting in Beijing Monday, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Chinese President Xi Jinping agreed to improve bilateral relations by returning to the basic principle of a mutually beneficial relationship based on common strategic interests. The two leaders also agreed to promote cooperation on various levels based on a statement listing four basic points of agreement, which was jointly released on Friday.
　安倍首相と中国の習近平国家主席は北京で会談し、「戦略的互恵関係」の原点に立ち戻り、関係を改善することで一致した。７日に発表した４項目の合意文書に基づき、様々なレベルで協力することも確認した。

Abe was quoted as telling Xi that “China’s peaceful development is a good opportunity for the international community and Japan.” Xi reportedly expressed appreciation and responded by saying China “wants to work toward improving bilateral ties gradually.”
　首相は「中国の平和的発展は国際社会と日本にとって好機だ」と指摘した。習主席は、首相発言を評価し、「徐々に関係改善の努力をしていきたい」と応じた。

Intensified friction between Japan and China over the Senkaku Islands and the issue of historical perceptions has cooled their political and economic relations, exerting unfavorable effects on public opinion in the two countries. This was cause for concern for members of the international community, including the United States.
　尖閣諸島や歴史認識などを巡る日中の深刻な対立は、政治・経済関係を冷え込ませ、両国の世論にも悪影響を与えている。米国など国際社会も懸念を示す。

The realization of a formal summit between Japanese and Chinese leaders, the first in almost three years, provided an important opportunity to build a new relationship of cooperation.
　約３年ぶりの本格的な首脳会談の実現は、新たな協調関係を築く重要な好機である。

Xi had a stiff expression when he shook hands with Abe, but the momentum gained through holding the summit should not be temporary.
　首相と握手した際の習主席の表情は硬いままだったが、今の機運を一過性にしてはなるまい。

It is essential for the two countries to steadily expand the scope of working-level cooperation by achieving an early resumption of high-level economic dialogue between economic ministers and strategic dialogue between officials at the vice foreign minister level.
　中断している経済閣僚による「ハイレベル経済対話」や、外務次官級の戦略対話などを早期に再開し、実務的な協力を着実に拡大することが大切である。

Establish hotlines

Above all, the establishment of a maritime liaison mechanism must be urgently tackled to prevent accidental clashes at sea.
　中でも、偶発的な海上衝突事故などを回避するため、海上連絡メカニズムの構築が急務だ。

Abe stressed the need to realize early operations of the mechanism, while Xi responded that “an accord has already been reached” on the matter. True to these words, it is imperative to establish hotlines between the defense bureaucrats and officers of the two countries and ensure they properly function.
　安倍首相がメカニズムの早期運用の必要性を強調したのに対し、習主席は「既に合意はできている」と語った。その言葉通り、防衛当局間のホットラインを開設し、きちんと機能させねばならない。

Chinese government vessels have repeatedly intruded into Japanese territorial waters around the Senkaku Islands, and its jet fighter aircraft have repeated military provocations in the airspace around the Senkakus. It is imperative to have Beijing correct its stance of changing by force the status quo in the East and South China seas.
　中国は、尖閣諸島周辺での公船の領海侵入や戦闘機による軍事的挑発を繰り返している。東・南シナ海で力による現状変更を目指す姿勢は改めさせる必要がある。

It is essential for the government to continue applying pressure on China, in cooperation with the United States and other countries, to make it comply with international rules.
　政府は、米国などと連携し、国際ルールの順守を中国に引き続き働きかけることが重要だ。

During the summit, Abe reiterated his commitment to “taking over the historical perceptions of the previous governments.” Abe did this apparently because he took into consideration China’s opposition to his visit to Yasukuni Shrine, where convicted war criminals are enshrined together with the war dead, and his other historical perceptions.
　安倍首相は会談で、「歴代内閣の歴史認識を引き継いでいる」と改めて表明した。中国が首相の靖国神社参拝などに反発していることに配慮したのだろう。

Without directly mentioning the Yasukuni issue, Xi told Abe that “historical issues concern the feelings of more than 1.3 billion Chinese people.” Xi also reportedly said, “It’s important to move toward the future while squarely looking at history.”
　習主席は靖国問題に言及せず、「歴史問題は１３億人以上の中国国民の感情に関することだ」と述べた。「歴史を直視して未来に向かうことが重要」とも語った。

If Xi aims to seriously strive toward building a future-oriented relationship with Japan, we suggest that Beijing refrain from the anti-Japan propaganda campaigns it has continued both at home and abroad.
　習主席が未来志向の日中関係の構築を本気で目指すのなら、国内外で続ける中国政府の「反日宣伝」を慎むべきではないか。

Next year marks the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II, and it is feared that anti-Japan sentiment in China may rise. Abe and Xi must work toward preventing the issue of historical perceptions from undermining the bilateral relationship in its entirety.
　来年は戦後７０年の節目の年だ。中国では反日感情が高まる恐れがある。両首脳は、歴史認識の問題が日中関係全体を損なうことがないよう努力すべきだ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 11, 2014)Speech

地方分権と創生といえば聞こえはよいが、実態は、地方へ配分する予算の削減政策ではないでしょうか。
（スラチャイ）

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Decentralization of power imperative to revitalize regional economies
地方分権と創生　事務移譲を活性化につなげよ

A comprehensive set of policy measures must be adopted to revitalize regional economies, one of the main initiatives of the administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Decentralizing power from the central government to local governments would be an effective step to help achieve this.
　安倍政権が掲げる「地方創生」には総合的な政策が必要だ。地方分権も有力な手段となろう。

A governmental panel of experts on decentralization reform has compiled an interim report in which 129 of 935 administrative procedures that local governments want transferred from the central government’s ministries and agencies are deemed feasible.
　政府の地方分権改革有識者会議は、自治体が移譲を求めた中央省庁の事務９３５件中、１２９件が実現するとの中間報告をまとめた。

The Cabinet Office called on local entities to work out during the May-July period what administrative procedures and authorities they believe should be transferred to them. If combined with items that can be handled without changing existing laws and regulations, the transfer of such procedures and authorities to the local governments stands at 218, about 20 percent of the proposed 935 items.
　内閣府は５～７月、各自治体に事務・権限の分権提案を募集した。現行法制で対応可能な事務を合わせれば、提案の実質的な採用は約２割の２１８件に上る。

The government is set to finalize its decentralization plans by concluding by the year-end the screening process on about 660 pending items.
　政府は年末までに、提案の採否が未定の約６６０件について結論を出し、最終方針を決定する。

The transfer of administrative procedures from the central government to local governments will help reinvigorate regional economies and possibly enhance the administrative efficiency of local entities.
　中央から地方への事務・権限の移譲は、地域活性化に役立ち、行政効率化にもつながり得る。

On Friday, Shigeru Ishiba, state minister in charge of revitalization of local economies, called on other Cabinet members concerned to exert their leadership in “bringing to fruition the local governments’ proposals to the greatest possible extent,” noting decentralization of power “is absolutely necessary for reinvigorating regional economies.” The government should respond as much as possible to the demands of local governments.
　石破地方創生相は７日、「地方分権は地方創生に不可欠だ。（地方）提案の最大限の実現に指導力を発揮してほしい」と関係閣僚に要請した。政府は、権限移譲の要求にできる限り応じるべきだ。

One envisaged transfer of administrative authority to prefectural governments, including Tokyo and Hokkaido, is the licensing and supervisory power of tap water services in entities with populations in excess of 50,000. As a result of the declining population, tap water supply services in many areas are subject to integration to expand the service areas. The roles of prefectural governments have increased in this respect, and the transfer of the authorities concerned is quite reasonable.
　都道府県への移譲事務には、給水人口５万人超の水道事業の認可や指導監督がある。人口減に伴い、各地の水道事業は統合・広域化の傾向にある。都道府県の役割は増しており、移譲は妥当だろう。

The government also favors abolishing regulations under the Urban Parks Law to clarify that decisions to keep or abolish parks should be left up to the discretion of the municipalities concerned. This will help local entities devise community resuscitation programs on their own.
　都市公園法で制限されている都市公園の廃止は、市町村の裁量でできることを明確化する。各市町村が独自の街づくりを進めるうえで、プラスとなろう。

Balancing conflicting tasks

However, many items have been shunted aside in the interim report. For instance, easing regulations for establishing day nurseries, which has been strongly sought by local entities, has been frowned on by the Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry.
　中間報告では、結論が持ち越されたものも多い。地方の要望が強い保育所の設置基準の緩和には、厚生労働省が難色を示した。

The minimum floor space of day nurseries has been set on a uniform basis throughout the country. The health ministry permitted exceptions for 40 densely populated areas in big cities, where many children are on waiting lists, but only for the three-year period from fiscal 2012 to 2014.
　保育所の居室面積は、全国一律の基準が定められている。厚労省は２０１２～１４年度に限り、待機児童の多い大都市部の４０市区を対象に特例で基準を緩和した。

The city of Osaka, the only local entity that has made good use of the relaxation of this regulation, has reduced by half the minimum floor space for infants’ crawling, setting the space at 1.65 square meters per head. As a result, the number of children on the city’s waiting list fell by about 1,800 as of August this year.
　特例を唯一活用した大阪市は、乳児の「ほふく室」の面積要件を全国基準の半分の「１人当たり１・６５平方メートル以上」に緩和した。これにより、今年８月時点で約１８００人の待機児童が解消した。

If the special measure is done away with at the end of this fiscal year as scheduled, about 750 children will reportedly have to be removed from day nurseries. Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimoto sent a written request last month to Health, Labor and Welfare Minister Yasu-hisa Shiozaki asking for the extension of this period.
　特例が今年度末に切れると、約７５０人が退所を求められるという。橋下徹市長は先月、塩崎厚労相に特例期間の延長を求める要望書を送った。

The easing of regulations regarding day nurseries helps support child-rearing services, a major countermeasure to the shrinkage of the population. The government should work out measures to ease day nursery-related regulations to enable local entities to secure a “desirable quality of day care services” suited to the realities of individual day nurseries.
　人口減対策の柱である子育て支援に保育所の基準緩和は有効だ。自治体が現場の実情に応じて「保育の質」を確保できるように、基準を緩和する方策を探りたい。

As for the transfer of the power to permit the conversion of farmland into residential land or other purposes, the Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Ministry objects on the grounds of “keeping the nation’s overall farmland acreage intact.” It is extremely important for the government to seek a middle ground by working out a balance between the promotion of farming industries and providing local entities with sufficient leeway to undertake community redevelopment projects at their discretion.
　農地を宅地などに転用する許可権限の移譲も、「農地の総量確保」を掲げる農林水産省が拒んでいる。農業振興と自治体の自由な街づくりのバランスを取る形で、妥協点を見いだすことが大切だ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 9, 2014)Speech

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Japan, China must reaffirm mutually beneficial, strategic relationship
日中首脳会談　「戦略的互恵」を再確認せよ

Japan-China relations, which have been hampered by a long standoff, are now at a critical turning point. The summit meeting between the two countries must lead to a substantial improvement in the relationship.
　対立が長期化していた日中関係の重大な転機である。実質的な関係改善につなげるべきだ。

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Chinese President Xi Jinping are expected to meet on the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum summit, which will be held in Beijing on Monday and Tuesday. First and foremost, we wish to welcome the first top-level talks between Japan and China in almost three years.
　安倍首相と中国の習近平国家主席が、北京で１０、１１両日に開かれるアジア太平洋経済協力会議（ＡＰＥＣ）首脳会議の際に会談する見通しとなった。約３年ぶりの本格的な日中首脳会談を、まずは歓迎したい。

The Japanese and Chinese governments have released a four-point written agreement on the improvement of the bilateral relationship. The two sides confirmed that they will “continuously develop a mutually beneficial relationship based on common strategic interests,” while agreeing to “gradually resume political, diplomatic and security dialogue” and “make efforts to build political mutual trust.”
　日中両政府は、日中関係の改善に関する４項目の合意文書を発表した。「戦略的互恵関係を引き続き発展させていく」と確認し、「政治・外交・安保対話を徐々に再開し、政治的相互信頼関係の構築に努める」ことで一致した。

Japan has conventionally sought a summit meeting with China “without preconditions,” whereas China has called on Tokyo to acknowledge the existence of a territorial issue over the Senkaku Islands as one of the conditions for a summit meeting. As a result, the two nations have been at an impasse.
　日本は従来、「前提条件なしの首脳会談」の開催を求めていたが、中国は、尖閣諸島について領土問題の存在を認めることなどを会談の条件に掲げ、対立していた。

But China might judge that the stalled political dialogue between the two countries could also determine the success of the APEC meeting, which the country will chair.
　だが、中国も、ＡＰＥＣ議長国として、日中の政治対話が途絶したままでは首脳会議の成功は難しいと判断したのだろう。

We hope that the leaders will deepen the discussion in the direction of mutual benefit from a broader perspective at the summit meeting. Needless to say, the realization of a meeting in itself represents a dramatic, favorable turn in the relationship between Japan and China. The two countries must continually make efforts to maintain regular dialogue at various levels and reach a compromise.
　両首脳は会談で、大局的見地に立ち、日中双方の利益となる方向で議論を深めてもらいたい。無論、１回の会談で日中関係が劇的に好転するわけではない。様々なレベルで対話を重ね、双方が歩み寄る努力を続けねばなるまい。

Acknowledged differences

The agreement specified that the two sides acknowledged that “different positions” exist between them over the Senkakus, an issue that has caused tensions in the East China Sea.
　合意文書は、焦点の尖閣諸島に関して、東シナ海で「緊張状態が生じていることについて異なる見解を有している」と明記した。

The existence of the “different positions” linked to tensions in the East China Sea, which was agreed upon by the two countries, does not hinder Japan’s long-held stance that “a territorial dispute does not exist.” It is quite laudable that Japan has found common ground with China on the issue, while holding firm to its own position.
　東シナ海の緊張関係について「異なる見解」があるとしたことは、「領土問題は存在しない」とする日本の従来の立場を損ねるものではない。日本の主張を堅持しつつ、中国との妥協点を見いだしたことは前向きに評価できる。

The agreement also confirmed that they will “set up a crisis management mechanism to prevent contingencies from occurring.”
　文書は「危機管理メカニズムを構築し、不測の事態の発生を回避する」ことも確認している。

The situation in the East China Sea has been dangerous, as Chinese fighter jets have repeatedly flown extraordinarily close to Self-Defense Forces planes over international waters. It is urgent that the Japanese and Chinese governments resume bilateral talks on the establishment of a maritime liaison mechanism between defense authorities of the two countries and open a hotline for that purpose.
　東シナ海は、中国軍戦闘機による自衛隊機への異常接近が繰り返されるなど、危険な状況にある。日中両政府は、防衛当局間の海上連絡メカニズム構築の協議を再開し、ホットラインなどを設置することが急務である。

China sought a definite promise from Japan that the prime minister will not visit Yasukuni Shrine, but Japan refused to accept it. The agreement only mentioned that the two sides “reached some agreement on overcoming political obstacles between them” in the spirit of “facing history squarely and looking forward to the future.”
　中国は、首相が靖国神社に参拝しない確約を求めていたが、日本は拒否していた。合意文書は「歴史を直視し、未来に向かう」精神に従い、「政治的困難を克服することで若干の認識の一致をみた」と言及するにとどめた。

While the prime minister should avoid visiting Yasukuni Shrine, there is no reason that the prime minister should make such a vow under the pressure of a foreign country. It is appropriate for the two countries to handle the problem with the intention of not affecting the overall Japan-China relationship.
　首相の靖国参拝は避けるべきだが、他国の圧力を受けて、参拝しない約束をする筋合いのものではない。この問題を日中関係全体に影響させない形で処理する方向となったことは適切である。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 8, 2014)Speech

本末転倒な政策だと思います。
もしも短期的な株式投資で失敗したら、一体誰が責任をとるのでしょうか。
GPIFは天下りで悪名高い独立法人です。
数年勤めたら、サラリーマンが一生かかってようやくもらえる退職金を、濡れ手に粟。
全部、国民の税金でまかなわれているのです。
それにしても野党は反対しなかったのでしょうか。
あきれました。
連日の巨額介入（投資）で、すでに金融市場はゆがめられてしまっています。
（スラチャイ）

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Doubling GPIF stock investment allocation targets is not without risk
年金運用改革　「株倍増」に落とし穴はないか

Although it is necessary to find ways to manage the nation’s public pension reserves more profitably, to ensure the sustainability of the pension system, top priority must be placed on the safety of the pension fund assets.
　年金制度を維持するため、運用の収益性を高める工夫は必要だが、やはり安全性の確保を優先すべきである。

The Government Pension Investment Fund, the independent administrative institution in charge of managing the reserves for public pension plans, has decided on a set of new investment allocation targets for its assets.
　公的年金の積立金を管理する年金積立金管理運用独立行政法人（ＧＰＩＦ）が、新たな資金運用の目安を決定した。

The GPIF has raised its target for holdings in domestic and foreign stocks to 25 percent each, about double the current holding allocations of 12 percent each in its investment portfolio.
　国内株と外国株による運用比率をそれぞれ、１２％から２５％へほぼ倍増させた。

On the other hand, it has lowered markedly its weighting of domestic bonds, including government bonds, to 35 percent from the current level of about 60 percent.
　その一方、国債など国内債券は６０％を３５％に大きく下げた。

Given the current ultra-low interest rate situation, it is understandable that the GPIF hopes to diversify its investment allocations by modifying its conventional government bond-centered fund management.
　超低金利の現状を踏まえ、国債中心の運用を修正し、投資先を分散する狙いはわかる。

In the wake of the GPIF announcement on Oct. 31, expectations are surging in the stock market for a huge influx of cash from the government-run pension fund, the outstanding reserves of which stand at ¥130 trillion. Coupled with the Bank of Japan’s decision earlier the same day to further ease its monetary policy, the GPIF’s move has had the effect of pushing up stock prices, and there can be no doubt that the public pension fund’s action is positive for revitalizing the securities market.
　株式市場では、残高１３０兆円の公的年金から巨額の資金が流入するとの期待が高まっている。日銀の金融緩和効果も重なり、株価を押し上げた。市場活性化に追い風となったのは確かだろう。

It must never be forgotten, however, the management of the pension reserve funds, over the long term, may be confronted sometime in the future with risks such as a nosedive in stock prices.
　ただし、長期にわたる年金資金の運用には、いずれ株価暴落などの危機に直面するリスクがあることも忘れてはならない。

The public pension fund reserves — cash from pension insurance revenues that is not immediately required for the payment of pension benefits — are all-important funds for investment to prepare for the payment of future pension benefits.
　公的年金の積立金は、年金保険料収入のうち給付に充てなかった分を運用し、将来の給付に備える大切な資金である。

Many people may be concerned that the GPIF could suffer huge losses in the event of an investment failure. A state of affairs in which pension benefit payments for future generations could shrink by a wide margin must be avoided by all means.
　運用失敗で巨額の損失を出さないか、不安を覚える人も少なくないはずだ。将来世代の年金給付が大きく減るような事態は、何としても避けねばならない。

Need for organizational change

The reallocation of the GPIF’s investment targets should also be undertaken scrupulously and in stages, instead of hastily raising the weighting of stock investments to a new level.
　株式運用額を、性急に新たな目安まで引き上げるのではなく、慎重かつ段階的に進めるべきだ。

As Prime Minister Shinzo Abe seeks to expedite implementation of the GPIF’s investment portfolio reform, calling for the reform to be carried out ahead of schedule, some market participants and others seem to consider the giant fund’s increase in its stock holding targets as a “measure primarily aimed at buoying up stock prices.”
　安倍首相が運用改革の前倒しを指示するなど、実施を急いだことから、市場などで「株価浮揚策」と受け取られている面もある。

Using assets of the GPIF, which should be managed over the long term, for the purpose of a short-term stock market stimulation would be like letting the tail wag the dog. Also, such a step is dangerous because it would distort stock prices.
　長期運用すべき資金を、短期の株価対策に使うのは本末転倒だ。株価形成をゆがめかねない。

The proportion of investment categories in the portfolio of public pension reserves should be kept under constant review, taking into full account factors such as changes in the economic situation. It is of great importance that the review process as well as its results should be disclosed. Detailed explanations should be given about the significance of changes to the methods of investment, if any, and any new risks that may be relevant.
　年金の運用比率は、経済情勢などに合わせて、今後も不断に見直す必要がある。検討過程と結果を公表し、意義や新たなリスクを丁寧に説明することが大事だ。

To ensure this, it is important to establish a high degree of independence for the GPIF, to enable it to firmly acquire a governance structure sufficiently reliable to make investment judgments from the standpoint of impartiality and fairness.
　そのために、ＧＰＩＦが高い独立性を確保し、中立、公正に投資判断できるガバナンス（統治）を確立することが重要である。

The Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry has begun studies by a panel of experts concerning organizational reform for the GPIF. The studies should lead to actual effective reform steps.
　厚生労働省は、ＧＰＩＦの組織改革について、有識者の作業班で検討を始めた。実効性のある改革が求められる。

Currently, the decision-making power of the GPIF has been left to its president alone, although there is a committee of external experts tasked with checking the fund’s management. It may be advisable to revise the current management system of the GPIF to one that comprises multiple members, similar to that of the Bank of Japan’s Policy Board, the bank’s highest decision-making body.
　現在は、外部の専門家による運用委員会のチェックを受けているが、決定権は理事長１人に集中している。日銀の金融政策決定会合のような、複数メンバーによる合議制に移行してはどうか。

Adoption by the GPIF of a highly professional risk-management method, by employing professionals from the field of asset management, is also a task of great significance.
　資産運用のプロを採用し、専門性の高いリスク管理手法を導入することも、大事な課題である。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 7, 2014)Speech

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Chongryon must observe ruling of top court, vacate headquarters
総連本部売却　居座りはこれ以上許されない

The judicial branch of the government has made a final judgment. The General Association of Korean Residents in Japan (Chongryon) cannot stay any longer at its current headquarters.
　司法としての最終判断である。これ以上の居座りは許されまい。

The Supreme Court on Wednesday dismissed Chongryon’s appeal against a court-led auction of its headquarters building and associated land in Chiyoda Ward, Tokyo. The ruling confirmed the sale of the property to Marunaka Holdings Co., a real estate firm in Takamatsu that won the auction.
　東京都千代田区の在日本朝鮮人総連合会中央本部の土地・建物の競売を巡り、最高裁が朝鮮総連の抗告を棄却した。落札した高松市の不動産関連会社「マルナカホールディングス」への売却が確定した。

The top court ruled that the decision to sell the property to Marunaka is reasonable because it will bring about the sale through fair and speedy procedures.
　最高裁はマルナカ社への売却決定について、「公正かつ迅速な手続きによる売却を実現するもので、合理的だ」と結論付けた。

Once payment is made, Marunaka will take ownership of the property. The organization — which represents pro-Pyongyang Korean residents in this nation — will be urged to leave the building and land that constitute its current headquarters, which have been seen as North Korea’s de facto embassy in Japan.
　マルナカ社は、代金を納めれば、所有権を得る。総連は、北朝鮮の日本における大使館的な役割を担ってきた本部ビルからの退去を迫られる見通しだ。

An agent of Chongryon said that the top court’s ruling was “highly regrettable.”
総連の代理人は「大変遺憾」と語っている。

Now that the Supreme Court has recognized that the auction was legitimate, however, Chongryon must respond accordingly if Marunaka requests that the organization vacate the building and land.
　だが、最高裁が正当な競売だと認定した以上、マルナカ社が明け渡しを求めれば、総連はそれに応じなければならない。

Chongryon’s headquarters was brought to the block by the successive collapse since 1997 of credit unions affiliated with pro-Pyongyang Korean residents in Japan. A major factor in their bankruptcies was the huge loans they extended to Chongryon, which became unrecoverable.
　在日朝鮮人系の信用組合が１９９７年以降、相次いで破綻したことが、本部ビルが競売にかけられた発端だ。各信組から総連に向けた多額の融資の焦げ付きが、破綻の大きな要因だった。

Recovery of public funds

The government injected over ¥1 trillion in public funds to resolve the problem. The Resolution and Collection Corporation, which absorbed the bad loans, arranged to auction the property, which occupies a prime location in central Tokyo. We think this was a reasonable course of action by the government-affiliated body in executing its duty to recover the public money.
　政府は、破綻処理に１兆円超の公的資金を投入した。不良債権を引き継いだ整理回収機構が、都心の一等地にある本部ビルを競売にかけたのは、公的資金の回収という使命を遂行する上で、当然の措置だったと言える。

A religious organization won the first auction in March last year, but it later abandoned the purchase because it could not raise enough money. The second auction, held in October last year, was won by a Mongolian firm that placed the highest bid, but the firm was later disqualified because it failed to submit the necessary documents.
　昨年３月の１回目の入札で落札した宗教法人は、代金を調達できずに取得を断念した。昨年１０月に行われた再入札では、モンゴル企業が最高値を提示したが、書類不備で失格とされた。

The Tokyo District Court then decided the headquarters should be sold to Marunaka, the second-highest bidder in the second auction. The Tokyo High Court also supported the decision. Dissatisfied with this, however, Chongryon appealed to the Supreme Court. Its protest was apparently a strategy to delay vacating the premises for as long as possible.
　東京地裁は、次点のマルナカ社への売却許可を決定し、東京高裁も支持した。これを不服として、総連が特別抗告していた。総連側の抵抗は、明け渡しを引き延ばすための戦術だったのだろう。

According to the Public Security Intelligence Agency, Chongryon was given a strict order from the North Korean government to defend the headquarters at all costs.
　公安調査庁によると、総連は中央本部の土地・建物の「死守」を本国から厳命されていた。

In talks held recently between Tokyo and Pyongyang on the reinvestigation into Japanese nationals abducted or believed to have been abducted by North Korean agents, the North Korean representatives expressed concerns over the auction of the headquarters. With the start of the reinvestigation, the Japanese government lifted restrictions on the transit of individuals between Japan and North Korea, which allowed a Chongryon leader to visit North Korea in September.
　拉致被害者らの再調査に関する日朝政府間協議では、北朝鮮側が本部ビルの競売問題に懸念を表明していた。再調査の実施に伴い、日本政府が北朝鮮に対する人的往来の規制措置を解除したため、総連トップが９月に訪朝した。

The reinvestigation of Japanese abductees will soon enter a critical stage. The progress of Japan-North Korea talks must not be affected by the Supreme Court ruling.
　拉致被害者らの再調査は今後、ヤマ場を迎える。最高裁の決定が、日朝協議の進展に影響を及ぼすことがあってはならない。

“We clearly told [North Korea] that the [Japanese] government cannot do anything about an issue already subject to legal procedures,” Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said.
　菅官房長官は「法的手続きに入ったものについて、政府は何もできないと（北朝鮮に）明言している」と語った。

We think the government should state this position repeatedly to North Korea.
こうした立場を繰り返し説明していくべきだ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 6, 2014)Speech

The Yomiuri Shimbun
China must be urged not to unilaterally change status quo in South China Sea
南シナ海情勢　緊張高める中国の「現状変更」

On one hand, China is discussing peace in the South China Sea with its Southeast Asian neighbors, but on the other, it is trying to change the status quo there through unilateral actions. Beijing needs to realize this inconsistency will result only in aggravating tensions and distrust between the two sides.
　南シナ海の平和について協議しながら、一方的な「現状変更」を強行する。これでは、関係国との緊張と相互不信を拡大させるばかりだ。

Chinese President Xi Jinping’s administration is undertaking reclamation work on several reefs it effectively controls in the Spratly Islands to create artificial islands. The reclamation work is under way at six of the seven reefs controlled by China, according to reports. All the reefs are subject to territorial disputes between China and other countries, such as Vietnam and the Philippines.
　中国の習近平政権がスプラトリー（南沙）諸島で、実効支配する岩礁を埋め立てて、「人工島」を造成する工事を進めている。七つの岩礁中、六つが対象という。いずれも、ベトナムやフィリピンなどと領有権を巡って係争中だ。

China claims sovereignty over almost all of the South China Sea based on the so-called nine-dash line it drew after ignoring international law. However, the international community, represented by Japan, the United States and Europe, does not recognize the nine-dash line because it lacks legal grounds.
　中国は、国際法を無視する形で独自に設定した「九段線」を基に、南シナ海のほぼ全体に主権が及ぶと主張している。しかし、九段線には法的根拠がなく、日米欧を含む国際社会は認めていない。

It is apparent that the reclamation work runs counter to the 2002 Declaration of Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, which was signed between China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to avoid tensions from escalating or becoming more complex.
　事態の複雑化や紛争を避けるため、中国と東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）が２００２年に署名した南シナ海の「行動宣言」にも反する行動ではないか。

The reclamation work has drawn angry responses from Hanoi and Manila, and nations indirectly involved have expressed deep concern. We call on China to exercise restraint in building artificial islands, which is an attempt by China to reinforce its control over the reefs in the Spratly Islands.
　ベトナムやフィリピンは強く反発し、関係国は懸念している。中国は、実効支配の強化を狙った人工島造成を自制すべきだ。

Hegemonic behavior

In October, China revealed that Fiery Cross Reef, a reef that used to be submerged at high tide, had become an “island” with an area of about one square kilometer, the biggest island in the Spratly chain. About 200 military personnel are now stationed there, and Beijing has decided to build an airfield there, according to reports.
　中国誌は１０月、満潮時に水没する暗礁だった「永暑礁」が、南沙諸島で最大の約１平方キロの「島」になったと伝えた。軍関係者約２００人が駐留し、飛行場の建設も決まっているという。

Currently, there are no airfields in the Spratly Islands. China’s aim is apparent — to develop Fiery Cross Reef into a military base so it can command the skies in the area. Some observers believe China is now considering the establishment of an air defense identification zone in the South China Sea.
　現在、南沙に中国の飛行場はない。「制空権確保」に向け、永暑礁を軍事拠点化する中国の狙いは明らかだ。防空識別圏の設定を検討しているとの見方もある。

For Japan and the United States, important sea-lanes straddle the South China Sea. Ensuring the freedom of navigation there is vital for the two nations. China’s hegemonic behavior should never be condoned.
　日本や米国にとって、南シナ海は主要な海上交通路（シーレーン）に位置する。「航行の自由」の確保が死活的に重要だ。中国の覇権主義的行動は、看過できない。

ASEAN is now calling for upgrading the nonbinding 2002 declaration to a legally binding code of conduct.
　ＡＳＥＡＮは、南シナ海の「行動宣言」を、関係国への法的拘束力を持つ「行動規範」に格上げすることを求めている。

China has agreed to hold talks with ASEAN, but is extremely reluctant on formulating the code of conduct. The two sides were unable to start compiling a draft at a high-level meeting last month. We cannot help but conclude that China is using the talks to gain time until it succeeds in amassing faits accomplis, such as building artificial islands.
　中国は、協議に応じながらも、規範策定には極めて慎重だ。１０月の高官協議でも、原案の策定作業に入れなかった。人工島などの既成事実化までの「時間稼ぎ」と批判されても仕方あるまい。

Next week, a summit meeting of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum will take place in Beijing. The East Asia Summit will also be held in Myanmar.
　来週には、北京でアジア太平洋経済協力会議（ＡＰＥＣ）首脳会議、ミャンマーでは東アジア首脳会議（ＥＡＳ）が開かれる。

The security situations in the South China and East China seas will likely become a point of contention at the two meetings.
　南・東シナ海の安全保障情勢も一つの焦点となるだろう。

The importance of preventing nations from using their military or economic power to unilaterally change the status quo and of establishing order on the high seas based on the rule of law should be widely shared by state leaders.
　軍事力や経済力を背景にした一方的な現状変更を許さず、「法の支配」による海洋秩序を構築する。この重要性の認識を首脳レベルで広く共有しなければならない。

It is important for Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and U.S. President Barack Obama to join hands with other nations concerned to press China to take responsible actions.
　安倍首相やオバマ米大統領が、関係国と連携し、中国に責任ある行動を促すことが大切である。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 5, 2014)Speech

November 03, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: Prime Minister Abe's 'fabrication' remarks lack levelheadedness
社説:首相の「捏造」発言　冷静さを欠いている

It's mindboggling that a nation's prime minister can flippantly accuse a major newspaper of fabricating a story.
　一国の首相の口からこんな発言が軽々しく飛び出すことに驚く。
　安倍晋三首相が朝日新聞を名指しして、その報道を「捏造（ねつぞう）だ」と国会の場で断じた。

By definition, a fabrication is the act of making something up where nothing exists; it is not a misinterpretation or misunderstanding of facts. During Diet deliberations, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe accused the Asahi Shimbun of fabricating a story. But the prime minister needs to calmly rethink whether the report he was referring to in his statement constitutes a fabrication.
だが、捏造とは事実の誤認ではなく、ありもしない事実を、あるかのようにつくり上げることを指す。果たして今回の報道がそれに当たるかどうか、首相は頭を冷やして考え直した方がいい。

Here are the facts: On Oct. 29, the prime minister had lunch with his close aides. After the meeting, one of the lawmakers who had been in attendance told reporters that the prime minister had said the ruling and opposition camps "should call a cease-fire" over the political funding scandals. The next morning, the Asahi and other media outlets, including the Mainichi Shimbun, Yomiuri Shimbun, Sankei Shimbun and the Nikkei daily newspapers, reported the story.
　経過はこうだ。首相は先月２９日昼、側近議員らと食事した。終了後、出席者の一人が報道陣に対し、首相はその席で政治資金問題に関し「（与野党ともに）『撃ち方やめ』になればいい」と語った、と説明した。これを受け、朝日のみならず毎日、読売、産経、日経など報道各社が、その発言を翌日朝刊で報じた。

But during Diet deliberations on Oct. 30 and 31, the prime minister singled out the Asahi's article, saying, "I did not say that. Creating a fire where there is nothing is fabrication."
　ところが首相は３０、３１両日の国会答弁で朝日の記事だけを指して「私は言っていない。火がないところに火をおこすのは捏造だ」などと批判し続けた。

The aide who had attributed the "cease-fire" comment to the prime minister subsequently retracted the earlier statement, saying, "I was the one who said that. I said, 'This should result in a cease-fire,' and the prime minister merely agreed." In other words, the prime minister's aide made the error that led to the news reports.
一方、当初、報道陣に首相発言を説明した出席者はその後、「発言者は私だった。私が『これで撃ち方やめですね』と発言し、首相は『そうだね』と同意しただけだ」と修正した。つまり発端は側近らのミスだったということになる。

Abe argued that "statements should be confirmed with the person who made them." We agree. But at present, reporters are only given occasional opportunities to pose questions to the prime minister at times deemed convenient by the prime minister's camp. If the prime minister feels so strongly about statements coming directly from the source, why not set regular interviews with reporters twice a day, as was the practice when Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi was in office?
　首相は「発言を本人に確かめるのは当然」と言う。その通りである。ただし現在、首相と担当記者との質疑の場は実際には首相側の都合で時折設定されているに過ぎない。首相がそう言うのなら、小泉純一郎首相時代のように１日２度、定期的にインタビューの場を設けてはどうか。

The prime minister seems to be entrenched in viewing the Asahi as his enemy. Even in his latest remarks, he appears to be trying to say that the Asahi is bent on criticizing him no matter what. He told the Diet, "The editor-in-chief of the Asahi apparently once said that the company's mission is to bring down the Abe administration." However, the Asahi has denied such allegations, and it remains unclear how much evidence the prime minister has to back up such a statement.
　首相はかねて朝日新聞を「敵」だと見なしているようで、今回の記事も「最初に批判ありきだ」と言いたいようだ。「安倍政権を倒すことを社是としていると、かつて朝日の主筆がしゃべったということだ」とも国会で発言している。だが、朝日側はその事実はないと否定しており、首相がどれだけ裏付けを取って語っているかも不明である。

Does Abe believe that a large proportion of the public will applaud him if he employs the term "fabrication" to criticize a newspaper that has been embroiled in a scandal involving its reporting of the so-called wartime comfort women issue and testimony by the late former head of the disaster-hit Fukushima No. 1 Nuclear Power Plant?
　あるいは慰安婦報道や東京電力福島第１原発事故の「吉田調書」報道問題で揺れる朝日を、「捏造」との言葉で批判すれば拍手してくれる人が多いと考えているのだろうか。

Regardless, in the latest case, the prime minister does not appear to have closely investigated the events that led to the reports. The problem could have been easily resolved if he'd just clarified that he was not the one who made the "cease-fire" remark, and asked media outlets to correct the misunderstanding.
　いずれにしても今回、報道に至る経過を首相が精査したうえで語っているようには見えない。「私は語っていない」と報道各社に修正を求めれば済む話だったと考える。

Prime Minister Abe tends to devote his efforts to making attacks, rather than lending an ear to criticism. With the money scandals involving Cabinet ministers nowhere near resolution, he seems to be irritable of late. But witnessing him vigorously criticizing the media brings into question his ability to be levelheaded in dealing with the various domestic and diplomatic challenges that Japan faces.
　従来、批判に耳を傾けるより、相手を攻撃することに力を注ぎがちな首相だ。特に最近は政治とカネの問題が収束せず、いら立っているようでもある。しかし、ムキになって報道批判をしている首相を見ていると、これで内政、外交のさまざまな課題に対し、冷静な判断ができるだろうかと心配になるほどだ。

毎日新聞　2014年11月02日　02時30分（最終更新　11月02日　13時55分）

November 01, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: More monetary easing at BOJ risks slide into economic chaos
社説:日銀の追加緩和　泥沼化のリスク高まる

The Bank of Japan (BOJ), the country' central bank, has further eased its monetary grip. The move comes 18 months after the BOJ took unprecedentedly large-scale monetary easing steps as the "first arrow" of Abenomics, an economic policy mix promoted by the government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Moreover, the latest round of monetary easing coincided with end of the U.S.'s own quantitative relaxation program.
　日銀が量的緩和を一段と強化した。アベノミクスの「第一の矢」として異例の大規模緩和が登場し１年半。米国が量的緩和を終了したタイミングでの日本の追加緩和だ。

Financial markets reacted sharply to the move, with the yen diving and share prices spiking.
　驚いた市場は反応し、円安、株高が大幅に進んだ。

However, the BOJ was pressured to implement additional monetary easing steps because its ultra-easy money policy, adopted in April 2013 by newly appointed BOJ Gov. Haruhiko Kuroda, had not proven sufficiently effective. One cannot help but doubt whether the reinforcement of measures that had not produced the desired results the first time round will brighten prospects for steady economic growth. Moreover, the central bank's latest round of monetary relaxation is, so to speak, a dangerous drug that could produce serious side-effects.
　しかし、である。ここで追加緩和に踏み切らざるを得なくなったのは、昨年４月に黒田東彦新総裁の下、導入した「異次元緩和」が十分効果を上げていないことの裏返しと言える。うまくいっていないものを一段と強化した先に果たして展望は開けるのだろうか。しかも副作用の多い、劇薬なのである。

Under the scenario of the "first arrow," the government and the BOJ projected that their goal of 2 percent annual inflation would be achieved and the economy pulled out of its slump if the money supply from the central bank doubled over a two-year period. In other words, the government and the BOJ attempted to convince the public that consumer prices would rise by dramatically increasing the money supply.
　「物価の年間上昇率２％」を明確な目標として宣言し、お金の量を２年で２倍に増やせば、目標が達成でき、経済も復活する−−。第一の矢のシナリオだった。衝撃的な量の資金供給を行うことで人々に「物価上昇の時が来た」と信じこませる効果を狙った。

True, consumer prices gradually increased, but the rise has slowed down because the fall in the yen's value has not produced sufficient results and oil prices have declined. The first arrow has not led to a virtuous cycle in which higher spending on factories, equipment and consumer goods increases corporate profits and wages, which in turn expand consumption.
　確かに物価は徐々に上昇基調に転じたものの、円安による効果が抜け落ち、原油価格の下落も手伝って、このところ上昇幅は縮む一方である。設備投資や消費が活発化し、企業収益が増え、賃金が上昇し、さらに消費が増える、といった望ましい循環が起きているとは言い難い。

The BOJ ended up implementing additional monetary easing steps on a step-by-step basis. This is very much like the central bank's policy under the governorship of Masaaki Shirakawa, though Kuroda had criticized his predecessor's measures as ineffective in overcoming deflation.
　結局、あれほど「デフレ脱却の効果はない」と批判していた白川方明前総裁時代の段階的な追加緩和の手法を取らざるを得なくなった。

In the meantime, the BOJ's massive purchases of government bonds as part of its ultra-easy money policy have adversely affected the domestic bond market. Especially bonds that are due to mature shortly are in extremely short supply, causing abnormal situations such as negative interest.
　一方、量的緩和により日銀が国債を大量に買い占めている影響で、国債市場のゆがみも目立ってきた。満期までの期間が短いものを中心に極端な品薄状態となり、マイナス金利という異常事態も起きている。

Despite these circumstances, the BOJ further eased its monetary grip. If the yen becomes weaker -- aided partly by the end of U.S. quantitative relaxation -- the prices of imported goods will rise, which would squeeze household budgets further.
　そうした中にあって、さらにアクセルを踏むという。ドル高に作用する米国の量的緩和終了も相まって、円安が一層進めば、輸入品の値段が上がる。物価上昇には役立っても、家計を圧迫するだけだ。国債市場のゆがみも一段と深刻化するだろう。

Through the latest monetary easing steps, the BOJ will increase the amount of long-term government bonds the central bank buys annually by 30 trillion yen to some 80 trillion yen. If investors were to believe that the BOJ accepts a huge amount of the government's debts, international confidence in Japan would be lost, causing the market prices of government bonds to plummet and rates of long-term interest on such bonds to rise, which could throw Japan's economy into chaos.
　今回の追加緩和により、日銀が年間に買い増す長期国債の額は３０兆円拡大し、約８０兆円に達する。日銀が政府の借金を丸抱えしていると市場からみなされれば、国の信用が疑われ、国債価格が急落（長期金利は急騰）する恐れがある。経済の大混乱は避けられまい。

Despite the latest additional monetary easing steps, the BOJ predicts that next fiscal year's inflation rate will be 1.7 percent, falling short of the 2 percent target. As the BOJ has repeatedly eased its monetary grip, the central bank could find it increasingly difficult to find an exit ramp out of the policy, as the U.S. has just done. Moreover, concerns have been raised that the implementation of such abnormal monetary policy measures could be prolonged.
　今回の追加緩和をもってしても、日銀の予測では、目標となる来年度の物価上昇率が１．７％と２％に満たない。追加緩和を繰り返し、出口がますます遠のきはしないか。異例の政策が長期化することによる弊害が心配だ。

The BOJ has ventured deeply into a dangerous area that it should not, as the central bank, have entered in the first place.
　中央銀行として踏み込むべきではない領域にまた深く、日銀は足を進めてしまった。

毎日新聞　2014年11月01日　02時33分

The Yomiuri Shimbun
What does China’s plan for a new infrastructure bank portend for Asia?
アジア投資銀　過剰な中国主導で大丈夫か

The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), a new international financial organization led by China, will be established in 2015 based on a basic agreement reached recently by 21 nations, including India and nine Southeast Asian nations.
The establishment of the AIIB has been proposed by China to accelerate infrastructure building in Asia.
　中国の主導する新たな国際金融機関「アジアインフラ投資銀行」（ＡＩＩＢ）が、設立されることになった。
　アジアのインフラ整備促進を目的に掲げ、中国が創設を提唱していた。インドや東南アジアの９か国など２１か国が、２０１５年中の発足で基本合意した。

Demand for investment to build infrastructure, such as railways and roads, in Asia through the end of 2020 will total an estimated $8 trillion, or about ¥860 trillion.
　アジアでは２０年までに、鉄道や道路などのインフラ投資の需要が、総額８兆ドル（約８６０兆円）に上るとの試算もある。

It is true that the existing international financial organizations, including the Asian Development Bank, will face difficulty in shouldering such a huge cost by themselves.
　アジア開発銀行（ＡＤＢ）など既存の国際金融機関だけで、これほどの巨費を賄うのが難しいのも事実である。

Emerging Asian economies, which want to use infrastructure development as a locomotive for growth, understandably have high expectations for the AIIB.
　インフラ開発を成長の原動力としたいアジア新興国が、ＡＩＩＢに期待するのは理解できる。

Japan, however, will not participate in the AIIB because its significance and management policy are not clear. Australia and South Korea are also conspicuously absent.
　一方、日本は参加を見送った。ＡＩＩＢの意義や、今後の運営方針が不透明だからだ。オーストラリアや韓国も不参加だった。

In July, China also decided to set up a new development bank in collaboration with the other emerging economies in the so-called BRICS grouping, which comprises Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa.
　中国は今年７月、ロシアやインドなどと協力し、新興５か国（ＢＲＩＣＳ）による「新開発銀行」を創設することも決めた。

China apparently wants to use the AIIB and the BRICS bank to counter Japan, the United States and European countries that lead the International Monetary Fund regime and establish a new order in international financing.
　どちらも、国際通貨基金（ＩＭＦ）体制を主導する日米欧に対抗し、新たな国際金融秩序を構築する思惑があるようだ。

A bank for China’s benefit?

In particular, the AIIB is aimed at providing China’s domestically struggling state-owned enterprises with opportunities to enter the huge market for building infrastructure in Asia. Furthermore, China apparently has a strategy to increase the number of friendly nations by utilizing its foreign currency reserves, now swollen to as much as $4 trillion.
　特にＡＩＩＢは、中国国内で行き詰まる国有企業に、アジアのインフラ整備という巨大な市場を提供する狙いがあるのだろう。
　４兆ドルに膨らんだ外貨準備を有効活用し、「中国シンパ」の国を増やす戦略もうかがえる。

It is also worrisome that China’s influence over the AIIB will likely be overwhelming.
　気がかりなのは、ＡＩＩＢに対する中国の影響力が、突出して強くなりそうなことである。

The bank will be headquartered in Beijing and aims to procure $100 billion in capital. The ratio of investment will likely be decided in accordance with the scale of each economy, which will make China a majority stakeholder.
　北京に本部を置き、資本金は１０００億ドルを目指す。出資比率は経済規模に応じて決める方針で、中国が過半を占める見通しだ。

There are nagging concerns that the AIIB will recklessly provide tied loans — such as requiring Chinese companies to win infrastructure contracts — in the guise of an international financial institution and will put priority on development projects that are beneficial to China. If its loan screening becomes lax, it is feared that development projects neglecting environmental and human rights concerns will be encouraged.
　国際機関の名の下で、中国企業の受注を条件とする「ひも付き」の融資が乱発され、中国を利する開発案件ばかりが優先されることはないか。融資審査が甘くなれば、環境や人権を無視した開発を助長する恐れもある。

A financial support framework that is excessively dependent on China could stall development projects should the Chinese economy stumble.
　中国に過度に依存した金融支援の枠組みでは、中国経済が変調をきたした際に、開発プロジェクトが滞るリスクも大きくなる。

It is essential for Japan, the United States and other nations to jointly beef up monitoring to see if the AIIB will be operated in a way to contribute to the healthy development of the Asian region.
　アジア地域の健全な発展に資する運営が行われているか、日米などが連携して、監視を強めることが重要だ。

Nonetheless, we should take heed of the use of China’s ample funds for Asian growth. Japan, the biggest ADB stakeholder, should work to establish a proper complementary relationship between the ADB and AIIB.
　潤沢な中国マネーを、アジアの成長に生かす視点も忘れてはならない。ＡＤＢの最大の出資国である日本は、ＡＤＢとＡＩＩＢが適切な補完関係を築けるよう、働きかけるべきである。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Oct. 29, 2014)Speech