スポンサードリンク
意を決して乗り込んだ希望（のぞみ）の船が、かちかち山のどろ船だったら浮かばれませんが、他に乗るべき船が見当たらないのが現実です。若い人を中心に、選挙では、この平成の坂本竜馬に人気が集中するのでしょう。
そして、自分たちが年老いたときに、初めて、自分たちの決断が間違いであったことを思い知らされるのかも知れません。
（スラチャイ）
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 15
EDITORIAL: Hashimoto's rise underlines public mistrust in politics
大阪維新の会―なぜいま「国盗り」か
February 15, 2012
Osaka Ishin no Kai (Osaka restoration association), a political party led by Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimto, has drafted its campaign pledges for the next Lower House election.
大阪市の橋下徹市長が代表を務める大阪維新の会が、次の衆院選に向けた公約集「船中八策」の骨格をつくった。
The draft manifesto covers broad subjects that include foreign policy, the economy and the social security system, in addition to rehashing the party's resolve to overhaul the nation's local administrative structures, bureaucracy and education.
これまで主張してきた都市制度や公務員、教育改革に限らず、外交、経済、社会保障など幅広い分野に言及している。
The party intends to field 300 candidates for the Lower House, where it hopes to capture 200 seats.
衆院選で３００人を擁立し、２００議席をめざすという。
We have no issues with a regional political organization advancing into national politics in order to change the country.
地域の政治団体が国政に乗り出して国を変えようとすることを否定はしない。
But Osaka Ishin no Kai's main objective at its inception was to turn Osaka into a metropolis-cum-prefecture.
We can hardly say that the party has provided any satisfactory explanation for its abrupt change of course to seek considerable representation in the Diet.
しかし、大阪都の実現を目標としていた維新の会が、国政での大量議席獲得にかじを切った理由が十分説明されたとはいいがたい。
Right after winning the Osaka mayoral election in November last year, Hashimoto asserted: "My goal is to consolidate the administrative functions of the municipal and prefectural governments of Osaka.
昨年１１月の市長選直後、橋下市長は「大阪都実現がゴール。
It is for members of the Diet to change the country. I would be overstepping my bounds as a mayor to think I, too, could do it."
国を変えるのは国会議員で、市長の僕が考えるのはやりすぎ」と言っていた。
Hashimoto also said that the party's advance into national politics would be conditional on failing to win support from other parties on his Osaka-metropolis-prefecture concept.
国政進出は、他党から「都構想への協力が得られなければ」という限定付きだった。
In actuality, however, the Liberal Democratic Party and Your Party have indicated their support and proposed their respective plans for reforming the local autonomy law.
実際、自民やみんなの党は協力姿勢を示し、地方自治法の改正案を提案している。
The fact that Hashimoto has set a more ambitious goal for his party would seem to suggest that his real, personal target has always been to become the nation's top leader.
そんななかで、さらに大きな目標を立てて突っ走る。「国盗（と）り」こそが真の目的だったということだろうか。
In a little over two months since he became mayor, Hashimoto has come up with quite an array of reform plans, but work has only just begun.
市長就任から約２カ月。橋下氏は矢継ぎ早に改革の方針を打ち出しているが、いずれも緒についたばかりだ。
And the party has not rewritten its prospectus, where it is defined as a "regional political party" that "aims for Osaka's revival."
地域政党として「国の政党と一線を画す」「大阪再生をめざす」という同会の設立趣旨もそのままだ。
The party has expanded its influence on the strength of Hashimoto's tremendous mass appeal.
維新の会は橋下氏個人の人気で勢力を広げてきた。
But Hashimoto himself has denied any possibility of running for the Lower House.
ところが橋下氏は自身の衆院選出馬を否定する。
We believe questions will be raised in the days ahead over whether it is appropriate for Hashimoto to remain the mayor of Osaka while his party seeks to seize the reins of national government.
国政を握ろうとする党のトップが自治体の長にとどまる是非も今後問われるだろう。
Campaign pledges include the abolition of the Upper House and popular election of the prime minister, both of which are predicated on constitutional revision.
The manifesto also envisions a pension program under which people will pay their premiums without collecting benefits later, which would require a radical overhaul of the conventional pension system.
公約集には、参議院の廃止や首相公選制といった改憲が前提となる案、年金の掛け捨て制など既存の枠組みを抜本的に変える発想が含まれる。問題意識を並べたアイデア段階ともいえる。
These are still only "ideas" rather than official policy plans, and the party needs to deliberate them before they ask the public to judge.
世に問うには、党内でもっと議論を煮詰める必要がある。
In the meantime, a political academy the party is scheduled to open next month has already received applications from more than 3,000 people. They will undoubtedly form a huge reserve of would-be candidates in the next Lower House election.
一方で来月開講する維新政治塾には３千人以上の応募があり、候補者予備軍となろう。
Hashimoto comes across as a strong, reliable leader because the speed with which he challenges vested interests contrasts sharply with the administration's inability to fulfill its promises, year after year, with prime ministers effectively coming and going every year.
スピード感を持って既得権益に挑む橋下氏の姿は、公約を実現できず毎年のように首相が代わる国の政治と好対照をなし、力強く映る。
Seeing Hashimoto's style of politics, the public has understandably come to hope, if only vaguely, that a non-establishment regional party such as his may be able to get the job done.
しがらみのない地域政党なら何かをやってくれそうだという漠とした期待も生んでいる。
Opinion polls indicate that Osaka Ishin no Kai is picking up considerable popular support as a force capable of injecting fresh air into stale national politics.
世論調査の結果からも、政治に新風を吹き込む勢力として、維新の会が相当の支持を集めているのは事実だ。
Established political parties should think hard about what it is attracting the public to this Osaka party.
既成政党は、維新の何が世間を引きつけるのか考えるべきだ。
The underlying reason is the public's mistrust with the current state of politics.
根っこにあるのは、今の政治全体に対する不信感である。
そして、自分たちが年老いたときに、初めて、自分たちの決断が間違いであったことを思い知らされるのかも知れません。
（スラチャイ）
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 15
EDITORIAL: Hashimoto's rise underlines public mistrust in politics
大阪維新の会―なぜいま「国盗り」か
February 15, 2012
Osaka Ishin no Kai (Osaka restoration association), a political party led by Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimto, has drafted its campaign pledges for the next Lower House election.
大阪市の橋下徹市長が代表を務める大阪維新の会が、次の衆院選に向けた公約集「船中八策」の骨格をつくった。
The draft manifesto covers broad subjects that include foreign policy, the economy and the social security system, in addition to rehashing the party's resolve to overhaul the nation's local administrative structures, bureaucracy and education.
これまで主張してきた都市制度や公務員、教育改革に限らず、外交、経済、社会保障など幅広い分野に言及している。
The party intends to field 300 candidates for the Lower House, where it hopes to capture 200 seats.
衆院選で３００人を擁立し、２００議席をめざすという。
We have no issues with a regional political organization advancing into national politics in order to change the country.
地域の政治団体が国政に乗り出して国を変えようとすることを否定はしない。
But Osaka Ishin no Kai's main objective at its inception was to turn Osaka into a metropolis-cum-prefecture.
We can hardly say that the party has provided any satisfactory explanation for its abrupt change of course to seek considerable representation in the Diet.
しかし、大阪都の実現を目標としていた維新の会が、国政での大量議席獲得にかじを切った理由が十分説明されたとはいいがたい。
Right after winning the Osaka mayoral election in November last year, Hashimoto asserted: "My goal is to consolidate the administrative functions of the municipal and prefectural governments of Osaka.
昨年１１月の市長選直後、橋下市長は「大阪都実現がゴール。
It is for members of the Diet to change the country. I would be overstepping my bounds as a mayor to think I, too, could do it."
国を変えるのは国会議員で、市長の僕が考えるのはやりすぎ」と言っていた。
Hashimoto also said that the party's advance into national politics would be conditional on failing to win support from other parties on his Osaka-metropolis-prefecture concept.
国政進出は、他党から「都構想への協力が得られなければ」という限定付きだった。
In actuality, however, the Liberal Democratic Party and Your Party have indicated their support and proposed their respective plans for reforming the local autonomy law.
実際、自民やみんなの党は協力姿勢を示し、地方自治法の改正案を提案している。
The fact that Hashimoto has set a more ambitious goal for his party would seem to suggest that his real, personal target has always been to become the nation's top leader.
そんななかで、さらに大きな目標を立てて突っ走る。「国盗（と）り」こそが真の目的だったということだろうか。
In a little over two months since he became mayor, Hashimoto has come up with quite an array of reform plans, but work has only just begun.
市長就任から約２カ月。橋下氏は矢継ぎ早に改革の方針を打ち出しているが、いずれも緒についたばかりだ。
And the party has not rewritten its prospectus, where it is defined as a "regional political party" that "aims for Osaka's revival."
地域政党として「国の政党と一線を画す」「大阪再生をめざす」という同会の設立趣旨もそのままだ。
The party has expanded its influence on the strength of Hashimoto's tremendous mass appeal.
維新の会は橋下氏個人の人気で勢力を広げてきた。
But Hashimoto himself has denied any possibility of running for the Lower House.
ところが橋下氏は自身の衆院選出馬を否定する。
We believe questions will be raised in the days ahead over whether it is appropriate for Hashimoto to remain the mayor of Osaka while his party seeks to seize the reins of national government.
国政を握ろうとする党のトップが自治体の長にとどまる是非も今後問われるだろう。
Campaign pledges include the abolition of the Upper House and popular election of the prime minister, both of which are predicated on constitutional revision.
The manifesto also envisions a pension program under which people will pay their premiums without collecting benefits later, which would require a radical overhaul of the conventional pension system.
公約集には、参議院の廃止や首相公選制といった改憲が前提となる案、年金の掛け捨て制など既存の枠組みを抜本的に変える発想が含まれる。問題意識を並べたアイデア段階ともいえる。
These are still only "ideas" rather than official policy plans, and the party needs to deliberate them before they ask the public to judge.
世に問うには、党内でもっと議論を煮詰める必要がある。
In the meantime, a political academy the party is scheduled to open next month has already received applications from more than 3,000 people. They will undoubtedly form a huge reserve of would-be candidates in the next Lower House election.
一方で来月開講する維新政治塾には３千人以上の応募があり、候補者予備軍となろう。
Hashimoto comes across as a strong, reliable leader because the speed with which he challenges vested interests contrasts sharply with the administration's inability to fulfill its promises, year after year, with prime ministers effectively coming and going every year.
スピード感を持って既得権益に挑む橋下氏の姿は、公約を実現できず毎年のように首相が代わる国の政治と好対照をなし、力強く映る。
Seeing Hashimoto's style of politics, the public has understandably come to hope, if only vaguely, that a non-establishment regional party such as his may be able to get the job done.
しがらみのない地域政党なら何かをやってくれそうだという漠とした期待も生んでいる。
Opinion polls indicate that Osaka Ishin no Kai is picking up considerable popular support as a force capable of injecting fresh air into stale national politics.
世論調査の結果からも、政治に新風を吹き込む勢力として、維新の会が相当の支持を集めているのは事実だ。
Established political parties should think hard about what it is attracting the public to this Osaka party.
既成政党は、維新の何が世間を引きつけるのか考えるべきだ。
The underlying reason is the public's mistrust with the current state of politics.
根っこにあるのは、今の政治全体に対する不信感である。
インターネットのまだ無い時代に文通だけでここまで人間関係を構築できているのに驚嘆しました。
スーチーさんは、彼女が受賞したノーベル文学賞はハヴェル氏こそ受賞すべきだったと、彼をたたえています。
ハヴェル氏の最後の手紙は死の数日前に書かれたものですが、日本の笹川 陽平氏によりスーチーさんに届けられたいます。これも何かの因縁でしょうね。
スーチーさんのビルマよりの手紙の中でも、最も理解しやすいものでしたが、それでも、難しい単語は辞書にたよりました。痛く感動させられました。
スラチャイ
Letter from Burma: Vaclav Havel
ビルマよりの手紙： ヴァーツラフ・ハヴェルの思い出
Aung San Suu Kyi is seen at the National League for Democracy headquarters in Yangon, Burma, in this Oct. 27, 2011 file photo. In the background, is a portrait of her father, General Aung San. (Mainichi)When I decided that the first Letter from Burma of 2012 should be about the late Vaclav Havel, I wondered how I should entitle the article. My thoughts immediately went to the little red heart he usually drew as part of his signature. Perhaps I should write about him as "The Heart President" or "The Heart Leader" or "The Dissident with A Heart" or "The Intellectual with A Heart?" In the end I decided that the name Vaclav Havel alone was more potent and meaningful than any fancy title I could think up.
It was during the first year of my house arrest, 1989, that the name of Vaclav Havel became familiar to me. The Velvet Revolution, the Civic Forum, the electoral victory that turned the premier dissident of Czechoslovakia into the first President of the newly democratic republic: I learnt about it all from my small portable radio and shared in the euphoria of political transformation in that far off land. However, I did not realize at that time that Vaclav Havel would become a personal friend.
It is a little strange to speak of a man I had never met and with whom I had barely corresponded as a personal friend. It was his vigorous and warm personality and his total commitment to the support of movements for democracy and human rights the world over that made his friendship so real and vibrant and made me feel we were linked to one another by close ties of understanding. He nominated me for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 because he believed it would help to focus international attention on our struggle. Had he allowed his name to be put forward as a candidate that year I am convinced he would have been the chosen laureate. He surely valued the Nobel Peace Prize, for he would not have wanted to give to the cause of democracy and human rights something on which he did not value himself. But it was a matter of chivalry: "Their need is greater than mine."
When my family were permitted to visit me in 1992, my husband brought me a copy of The Power of the Powerless. I have just flicked quickly through the pages of this now shabby, well-thumbed volume and reread some of the phrases I underlined in the book. "... an examination of the potential of the 'powerless' -- can only begin with an examination of the nature of power in the circumstances in which these powerless people operate ..." "... freedom is indivisible ..." "... not standing up for the freedom of others, regardless of how remote their means of creativity or their attitude to life, meant surrendering one's own freedom ..." "A better system will not automatically create a better life. In fact the opposite is true: only by creating a better life can a better system be developed ..." Ideas that seem simple yet which enmesh with basic human aspirations only when formulated with clarity by an exceptional mind.
A high intellect is no substitute for a generous heart, and it is the latter that I appreciate most in Vaclav Havel. He was a rare dissident, one who did not forget fellow dissidents in remote parts of the world even after he became the Head of State of his own country. His heart was not only generous but appealingly light, expressing its solidarity with ordinary people everywhere in the simplest way. His To the Castle and Back begins with the words: "I've run away. I've run away to America. I've run away for two months with the whole family; that is, with Dasa and our two boxers, Sugar and her daughter Madlenka." The gleeful declaration of flight and the place (right at the heart of the family) that he accorded to his dogs drew me across miles and years into the warm circle of his home. How did a man so far from ordinary manage to retain the common touch?
Vaclav Havel spoke to me once on the telephone, about a year ago. He was already in poor health and his voice was weak but he managed to convey his joy at my release from house arrest and his concern for all of us who were still far from our democratic goal. Even in his final illness he did not forget us. The last letter he wrote to me was placed in my hands a few days after his death by one of his old friends, Mr. Sasakawa Yohei.
"Dear Friend," the letter began, "Over the years I sent you a number of letters inviting you to attend various international conferences and other events that I organized. I did it being perfectly aware that the chances of you attending are non-existent but I still did it out of principle and to remind the authorities that confiscated my letters to you that we constantly think of you and support you." The spirit with which he championed the cause of the oppressed had remained intact. His interest in our struggle, too, had continued strong: "Dear friend, I am following the recent developments in your country with a very, very cautious optimism." He ended his letter on a practical, modest note. "... if there is anything we can do to help -- for example -- and only if you wish -- to share some of our transformational experience with you we shall gladly do it."
I will feel the absence of my friend as we continue along the road he walked before us.
(By Aung San Suu Kyi)
(Mainichi Japan) January 30, 2012
スーチーさんは、彼女が受賞したノーベル文学賞はハヴェル氏こそ受賞すべきだったと、彼をたたえています。
ハヴェル氏の最後の手紙は死の数日前に書かれたものですが、日本の笹川 陽平氏によりスーチーさんに届けられたいます。これも何かの因縁でしょうね。
スーチーさんのビルマよりの手紙の中でも、最も理解しやすいものでしたが、それでも、難しい単語は辞書にたよりました。痛く感動させられました。
スラチャイ
Letter from Burma: Vaclav Havel
ビルマよりの手紙： ヴァーツラフ・ハヴェルの思い出
Aung San Suu Kyi is seen at the National League for Democracy headquarters in Yangon, Burma, in this Oct. 27, 2011 file photo. In the background, is a portrait of her father, General Aung San. (Mainichi)When I decided that the first Letter from Burma of 2012 should be about the late Vaclav Havel, I wondered how I should entitle the article. My thoughts immediately went to the little red heart he usually drew as part of his signature. Perhaps I should write about him as "The Heart President" or "The Heart Leader" or "The Dissident with A Heart" or "The Intellectual with A Heart?" In the end I decided that the name Vaclav Havel alone was more potent and meaningful than any fancy title I could think up.
It was during the first year of my house arrest, 1989, that the name of Vaclav Havel became familiar to me. The Velvet Revolution, the Civic Forum, the electoral victory that turned the premier dissident of Czechoslovakia into the first President of the newly democratic republic: I learnt about it all from my small portable radio and shared in the euphoria of political transformation in that far off land. However, I did not realize at that time that Vaclav Havel would become a personal friend.
It is a little strange to speak of a man I had never met and with whom I had barely corresponded as a personal friend. It was his vigorous and warm personality and his total commitment to the support of movements for democracy and human rights the world over that made his friendship so real and vibrant and made me feel we were linked to one another by close ties of understanding. He nominated me for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 because he believed it would help to focus international attention on our struggle. Had he allowed his name to be put forward as a candidate that year I am convinced he would have been the chosen laureate. He surely valued the Nobel Peace Prize, for he would not have wanted to give to the cause of democracy and human rights something on which he did not value himself. But it was a matter of chivalry: "Their need is greater than mine."
When my family were permitted to visit me in 1992, my husband brought me a copy of The Power of the Powerless. I have just flicked quickly through the pages of this now shabby, well-thumbed volume and reread some of the phrases I underlined in the book. "... an examination of the potential of the 'powerless' -- can only begin with an examination of the nature of power in the circumstances in which these powerless people operate ..." "... freedom is indivisible ..." "... not standing up for the freedom of others, regardless of how remote their means of creativity or their attitude to life, meant surrendering one's own freedom ..." "A better system will not automatically create a better life. In fact the opposite is true: only by creating a better life can a better system be developed ..." Ideas that seem simple yet which enmesh with basic human aspirations only when formulated with clarity by an exceptional mind.
A high intellect is no substitute for a generous heart, and it is the latter that I appreciate most in Vaclav Havel. He was a rare dissident, one who did not forget fellow dissidents in remote parts of the world even after he became the Head of State of his own country. His heart was not only generous but appealingly light, expressing its solidarity with ordinary people everywhere in the simplest way. His To the Castle and Back begins with the words: "I've run away. I've run away to America. I've run away for two months with the whole family; that is, with Dasa and our two boxers, Sugar and her daughter Madlenka." The gleeful declaration of flight and the place (right at the heart of the family) that he accorded to his dogs drew me across miles and years into the warm circle of his home. How did a man so far from ordinary manage to retain the common touch?
Vaclav Havel spoke to me once on the telephone, about a year ago. He was already in poor health and his voice was weak but he managed to convey his joy at my release from house arrest and his concern for all of us who were still far from our democratic goal. Even in his final illness he did not forget us. The last letter he wrote to me was placed in my hands a few days after his death by one of his old friends, Mr. Sasakawa Yohei.
"Dear Friend," the letter began, "Over the years I sent you a number of letters inviting you to attend various international conferences and other events that I organized. I did it being perfectly aware that the chances of you attending are non-existent but I still did it out of principle and to remind the authorities that confiscated my letters to you that we constantly think of you and support you." The spirit with which he championed the cause of the oppressed had remained intact. His interest in our struggle, too, had continued strong: "Dear friend, I am following the recent developments in your country with a very, very cautious optimism." He ended his letter on a practical, modest note. "... if there is anything we can do to help -- for example -- and only if you wish -- to share some of our transformational experience with you we shall gladly do it."
I will feel the absence of my friend as we continue along the road he walked before us.
(By Aung San Suu Kyi)
(Mainichi Japan) January 30, 2012
BBCでギリシアの混乱の状態を見ていると、とても今回の二回目の緊急支援を受ける体制ではありません。
額（ひたい）に汗（あせ）して働くことを嫌い、権利だけはめいっぱい主張する、さらに自分たちの主張を通すのに暴力も平気で行使する身勝手さが読み取れました。支援しても彼らが働かなければ同じ結果となります。意識改革が必要だと思いました。
srachai
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 14, 2012)
Greece must show ability to implement austerity steps
ギリシャ緊縮策 危機封じ込めに必要な実行力（2月12日付・読売社説）
Will Greece, the epicenter of the European debt crisis, be able to implement austerity measures to prevent the regional crisis from worsening and spreading?
欧州危機の封じ込めに向け、痛みを伴う緊縮財政策に取り組めるか。
The country's ability to enforce the measures--which will certainly involve pain--is being tested.
震源地であるギリシャの実行力が問われよう。
The Greek government and coalition parties have agreed to carry out the austerity program required by the European Union and the International Monetary Fund.
ギリシャ政府と与党は欧州連合（ＥＵ）と国際通貨基金（ＩＭＦ）から求められていた緊縮策で合意した。
The main pillars of the austerity program are to significantly cut public investment, lower the nation's minimum wage and ax 15,000 public sector jobs.
公共投資の大幅削減、最低賃金の引き下げ、公務員１万５０００人削減などが柱となっている。
In 2010, the EU and IMF decided to provide the first rescue package to Greece to help the country's finances, which had been seriously damaged by irresponsible financial policies in the past. However, the effect of the first rescue package has been limited.
放漫財政で深刻な危機に陥ったギリシャに対し、ＥＵなどが２０１０年に第１次支援策を決め、資金繰りを支えてきたが、効果は限定的だった。
To receive a 130 billion euros (13 trillion yen) second rescue package, Greece is required to carry out the austerity measures as a step to rebuild its finances.
１３００億ユーロ（約１３兆円）に上る第２次支援策が実施されるには、ギリシャが財政再建を目指し、緊縮策を実施する必要がある。
The country plans to redeem a huge amount of government bonds on March 20.
ギリシャは３月２０日に巨額の国債償還を予定している。
If it cannot receive the second rescue package, it will be difficult for the country to redeem the bonds--meaning Greece may plunge into a chaotic default.
２次支援策が得られないと、国債償還ができず、無秩序な債務不履行（デフォルト）に陥りかねない。
It is now in the hands of the Greek government to take the necessary steps to receive the second rescue package. We welcome the heightened possibility that the country will avoid default.
ギリシャの対応次第で、追加支援が実施され、デフォルトを回避できる公算が大きくなってきたことはひとまず歓迎したい。
===
Waiting on parliament
Now the question is whether the Greek parliament will pass bills related to the austerity measures.
ただ、問題は、ギリシャが緊縮策の関連法案の成立を果たせるかどうかだ。
Finance ministers of eurozone countries have postponed deciding whether to provide the second rescue package to Greece, saying they will make a final decision on Wednesday after observing parliament's decision.
ユーロ圏財務相会合は支援決定をいったん先送りし、その結果を見て、１５日に支援を決める。
The finance ministers' persisting skepticism regarding Greece is believed to be the reason they have attached such a condition to providing the rescue package.
財務相会合が「条件付き」の方針を表明したのは、なお不信感を拭えないからだろう。
The Greek government has promised to implement austerity measures on several occasions, but failed to sufficiently fulfill the promises.
ギリシャは何度も緊縮策を打ち出しながら、十分に実施してこなかった。
The government's halfhearted approach has caused anxiety in financial markets in Europe and other areas, helping credit uncertainty spread from Greece to Italy and other countries.
それが欧州などの金融市場を動揺させ、イタリアなどにも信用不安が飛び火した。
Greek lawmakers must swiftly pass the bills related to the austerity measures to meet the demands of the eurozone countries in providing the rescue package.
ギリシャは早期に関連法案を可決し、突き付けられた条件をクリアすることが求められる。
The Greek government has reached a substantive agreement with financial institutions to reduce debts owned by the institutions. This will be another favorable wind for Greece to implement the austerity measures.
ギリシャの債務削減に関し、政府と金融機関との交渉が実質合意したことも追い風になる。
===
Public backlash
One cause of concern is deep-rooted public antipathy toward the austerity measures, illustrated by such actions as the general strikes conducted by Greek labor unions.
しかし、懸念されるのは、ギリシャ国内にくすぶる緊縮策への根強い反発だ。
労組は抗議のゼネストを実施した。
If the public backlash against austerity measures grows further ahead of a general election scheduled in April, the future of the austerity measures will become more uncertain.
４月にも実施される総選挙を前に、反発が激しさを増せば、不透明感が強まる。
The EU and the IMF should step up their supervision of Greece to avoid further confusion and help the country steadily rebuild its finances.
これ以上の混乱を回避し、ギリシャが着実に財政再建を実施できるよう、ＥＵとＩＭＦは監視を強化すべきだろう。
Greece's economic downturn is expected to linger after the implementation of the austerity measures.
緊縮策に伴って、ギリシャの景気悪化が長期化する見通しだ。
It will be an important task for Greece to recover its growth power in the medium- and long-term rebuilding of its finances.
中長期的な財政再建に向け、成長力の回復も重要な課題である。
Resolving the Greek debt crisis is indispensable to containing the European financial crisis and stabilizing financial markets.
ギリシャ危機を収束させることは、欧州危機封じ込めと市場の安定に欠かせない。
European countries, notably Germany and France, should enhance their cooperation in dealing with the Greek crisis.
独仏両国などは連携を強化して対処すべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 12, 2012)
（2012年2月12日01時10分 読売新聞）
額（ひたい）に汗（あせ）して働くことを嫌い、権利だけはめいっぱい主張する、さらに自分たちの主張を通すのに暴力も平気で行使する身勝手さが読み取れました。支援しても彼らが働かなければ同じ結果となります。意識改革が必要だと思いました。
srachai
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 14, 2012)
Greece must show ability to implement austerity steps
ギリシャ緊縮策 危機封じ込めに必要な実行力（2月12日付・読売社説）
Will Greece, the epicenter of the European debt crisis, be able to implement austerity measures to prevent the regional crisis from worsening and spreading?
欧州危機の封じ込めに向け、痛みを伴う緊縮財政策に取り組めるか。
The country's ability to enforce the measures--which will certainly involve pain--is being tested.
震源地であるギリシャの実行力が問われよう。
The Greek government and coalition parties have agreed to carry out the austerity program required by the European Union and the International Monetary Fund.
ギリシャ政府と与党は欧州連合（ＥＵ）と国際通貨基金（ＩＭＦ）から求められていた緊縮策で合意した。
The main pillars of the austerity program are to significantly cut public investment, lower the nation's minimum wage and ax 15,000 public sector jobs.
公共投資の大幅削減、最低賃金の引き下げ、公務員１万５０００人削減などが柱となっている。
In 2010, the EU and IMF decided to provide the first rescue package to Greece to help the country's finances, which had been seriously damaged by irresponsible financial policies in the past. However, the effect of the first rescue package has been limited.
放漫財政で深刻な危機に陥ったギリシャに対し、ＥＵなどが２０１０年に第１次支援策を決め、資金繰りを支えてきたが、効果は限定的だった。
To receive a 130 billion euros (13 trillion yen) second rescue package, Greece is required to carry out the austerity measures as a step to rebuild its finances.
１３００億ユーロ（約１３兆円）に上る第２次支援策が実施されるには、ギリシャが財政再建を目指し、緊縮策を実施する必要がある。
The country plans to redeem a huge amount of government bonds on March 20.
ギリシャは３月２０日に巨額の国債償還を予定している。
If it cannot receive the second rescue package, it will be difficult for the country to redeem the bonds--meaning Greece may plunge into a chaotic default.
２次支援策が得られないと、国債償還ができず、無秩序な債務不履行（デフォルト）に陥りかねない。
It is now in the hands of the Greek government to take the necessary steps to receive the second rescue package. We welcome the heightened possibility that the country will avoid default.
ギリシャの対応次第で、追加支援が実施され、デフォルトを回避できる公算が大きくなってきたことはひとまず歓迎したい。
===
Waiting on parliament
Now the question is whether the Greek parliament will pass bills related to the austerity measures.
ただ、問題は、ギリシャが緊縮策の関連法案の成立を果たせるかどうかだ。
Finance ministers of eurozone countries have postponed deciding whether to provide the second rescue package to Greece, saying they will make a final decision on Wednesday after observing parliament's decision.
ユーロ圏財務相会合は支援決定をいったん先送りし、その結果を見て、１５日に支援を決める。
The finance ministers' persisting skepticism regarding Greece is believed to be the reason they have attached such a condition to providing the rescue package.
財務相会合が「条件付き」の方針を表明したのは、なお不信感を拭えないからだろう。
The Greek government has promised to implement austerity measures on several occasions, but failed to sufficiently fulfill the promises.
ギリシャは何度も緊縮策を打ち出しながら、十分に実施してこなかった。
The government's halfhearted approach has caused anxiety in financial markets in Europe and other areas, helping credit uncertainty spread from Greece to Italy and other countries.
それが欧州などの金融市場を動揺させ、イタリアなどにも信用不安が飛び火した。
Greek lawmakers must swiftly pass the bills related to the austerity measures to meet the demands of the eurozone countries in providing the rescue package.
ギリシャは早期に関連法案を可決し、突き付けられた条件をクリアすることが求められる。
The Greek government has reached a substantive agreement with financial institutions to reduce debts owned by the institutions. This will be another favorable wind for Greece to implement the austerity measures.
ギリシャの債務削減に関し、政府と金融機関との交渉が実質合意したことも追い風になる。
===
Public backlash
One cause of concern is deep-rooted public antipathy toward the austerity measures, illustrated by such actions as the general strikes conducted by Greek labor unions.
しかし、懸念されるのは、ギリシャ国内にくすぶる緊縮策への根強い反発だ。
労組は抗議のゼネストを実施した。
If the public backlash against austerity measures grows further ahead of a general election scheduled in April, the future of the austerity measures will become more uncertain.
４月にも実施される総選挙を前に、反発が激しさを増せば、不透明感が強まる。
The EU and the IMF should step up their supervision of Greece to avoid further confusion and help the country steadily rebuild its finances.
これ以上の混乱を回避し、ギリシャが着実に財政再建を実施できるよう、ＥＵとＩＭＦは監視を強化すべきだろう。
Greece's economic downturn is expected to linger after the implementation of the austerity measures.
緊縮策に伴って、ギリシャの景気悪化が長期化する見通しだ。
It will be an important task for Greece to recover its growth power in the medium- and long-term rebuilding of its finances.
中長期的な財政再建に向け、成長力の回復も重要な課題である。
Resolving the Greek debt crisis is indispensable to containing the European financial crisis and stabilizing financial markets.
ギリシャ危機を収束させることは、欧州危機封じ込めと市場の安定に欠かせない。
European countries, notably Germany and France, should enhance their cooperation in dealing with the Greek crisis.
独仏両国などは連携を強化して対処すべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 12, 2012)
（2012年2月12日01時10分 読売新聞）
精神科医香山リカさんの記事には時としてイモーショナルにすぎるきらいの記事が多い。
この記事はさしずめその筆頭格だ。
障害者を特別視するのは日本の国民性なのかも知れない。
この理論が犯罪者などに適用されないことを願う。
単なる言い訳に過ぎないと思いました＾＾。
スラチャイ
(Mainichi Japan) February 12, 2012
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: There's no such thing as a 'worthless life'
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：「人類戦士」たち ／東京
There are two phrases that I often come across at my consultation room: "I'm sorry for being alive," and, "My life is worthless."
診察室でしばしば聞くふたつの言葉に、「生きていて申し訳ない」と「私は生きる価値がない存在です」がある。
In explaining such thoughts, patients say things like: "I suffer from depression so I had to quit my job," "I couldn't fit in at school so I started staying at home," or, "In the end, I started living on welfare assistance."
「うつ病で退職してしまったから」「学校になじめず引きこもりになったから」「ついに生活保護を受給することになったから」など
Although the reasons vary from patient to patient, the most common reason seems to be related to people's inability to work efficiently and provide for themselves after falling physically or mentally ill.
理由はさまざまだが、要は病になってバリバリ働いたり自分の力で生活できなくなったりした自分は、生きる意味も価値もない、と考えての言葉なのだろう。
I usually reject such statements, telling my patients: "That's not true," but at the same time I feel that it's extremely difficult to give them a firm reason to trust my words.
「いや、そんなことはないですよ」と言いながら、私はいつも「でも、その理由をうまく説明するのはむずかしいな」と感じていた。
It also seems weak to tell them that what is happening is not their fault and that the difficulties they are going through are only a result of their diseases.
「病気なんだから、働けなくても仕方ないですよ」ではなんとなく弱い。
As I was thinking about this, I came across a book that opened my eyes. The book, titled "Omoi shogai o ikiru to iu koto" (Living with serious disabilities) was written by Kiyoshi Takaya, a pediatrician who has worked at a facility for children with heavy disabilities for a long time.
そんな中、またまた読書を通して目をひらかれる経験をした。その本とは、重症心身障害児施設びわ湖学園で長く働く小児科医、高谷清氏が昨年、出した「重い障害を生きるということ」だ。
In his book, Takaya introduces children who have become bedridden as a result of their disabilities as "mankind's warriors," a reference to a well-known anime series.
その中で高谷氏は、自分ではまったく身体を動かすことができない、いわゆる“寝たきり”の障害児たちを、あるアニメになぞらえて「人類戦士」と表現している。
Takaya says that in order for some species to continue to exist, they have to keep on transforming themselves. ある生物種が死滅せずに存在し続けるためには、絶えず変貌を遂げて行く必要がある。
During that process, it is inevitable that some will develop disabilities.
その変貌の過程では、どうしても「障害」を持つ個体が生まれることもある。
Therefore, children who carry such disabilities have undertaken the task of passing through these inevitable circumstances -- they are, in other words, warriors protecting the rest of mankind.
だから、障害児は人類の障害を引き受けてくれている「人類戦士」だ、と高谷氏は言うのだ。
As I read Takaya's words, I came to think that this does not only apply to children with disabilities.
これは、心身障害児に限ったことではないはずだ。
For example, among my patients there was a company employee who was diagnosed with depression due to his heavy workload.
たとえば、企業の中で激務を強いられ、うつ病になった人がいた。
As a result of his leave of absence, however, his company decided to reconsider all company employees' workloads, which led to an improvement of the firm's mental health policies.
その企業では、彼の長期休職がきっかけとなり、全社的に働き方を見なおすことになり、メンタルヘルス対策の仕組みが整えられることになった。
Cases of "hikikomori" (social withdrawal) involving children, for example, often stem from family-related problems -- those involving their parents, siblings or other relatives.
子どもの引きこもりの背景には、両親やきょうだいを含むその家庭全体の問題があることも多い。
In this way, these children can also be called "mankind's warriors" for they have -- via their conditions -- taken on other social problems.
そう考えれば、彼らもいまの社会の問題を一身に背負っている「人類戦士」なのだ。
If there were no such people, the rest of us would proudly -- and quite incorrectly -- think that the way things have been done to address certain social issues up till now has been correct.
もし、こういう人たちがいなければ、私たちは「このやり方で間違っていないのだ」と傲慢になって暴走し、
This could lead to major problems that could actually end up affecting many people.
結果的にはより多くの人たちが苦しむことにもなりかねない。
To those suffering from mental diseases: You should know that your current condition is sending a red signal to society, trying to make people notice the existing problems that need to be tackled.
Your life is important for society.
心の病になった人。あなたは、いまの社会に警告を発し、いろいろな問題を訴えようとしている大切な存在なんですよ。
You didn't become ill because of your personal weakness -- it is a result of your ability to sense existing problems before others can.
あなたは弱いから病になったわけではなくて、世の中の問題を誰よりも早く察知できる、敏感な人たちなんです。
Therefore I ask you -- please, don't ever say that your life is worthless.
だから、「私には意味がない」なんて言わないで……。
If a patient tells me "I'm sorry for being alive" again, I would like to express these thoughts to them, though I don't know how effective I can be.
今度、診察室で「生きていて申し訳ない」と言う人がいたら、こんなことを伝えたいが、うまくいくだろうか。
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2012年2月7日 地方版
この記事はさしずめその筆頭格だ。
障害者を特別視するのは日本の国民性なのかも知れない。
この理論が犯罪者などに適用されないことを願う。
単なる言い訳に過ぎないと思いました＾＾。
スラチャイ
(Mainichi Japan) February 12, 2012
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: There's no such thing as a 'worthless life'
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：「人類戦士」たち ／東京
There are two phrases that I often come across at my consultation room: "I'm sorry for being alive," and, "My life is worthless."
診察室でしばしば聞くふたつの言葉に、「生きていて申し訳ない」と「私は生きる価値がない存在です」がある。
In explaining such thoughts, patients say things like: "I suffer from depression so I had to quit my job," "I couldn't fit in at school so I started staying at home," or, "In the end, I started living on welfare assistance."
「うつ病で退職してしまったから」「学校になじめず引きこもりになったから」「ついに生活保護を受給することになったから」など
Although the reasons vary from patient to patient, the most common reason seems to be related to people's inability to work efficiently and provide for themselves after falling physically or mentally ill.
理由はさまざまだが、要は病になってバリバリ働いたり自分の力で生活できなくなったりした自分は、生きる意味も価値もない、と考えての言葉なのだろう。
I usually reject such statements, telling my patients: "That's not true," but at the same time I feel that it's extremely difficult to give them a firm reason to trust my words.
「いや、そんなことはないですよ」と言いながら、私はいつも「でも、その理由をうまく説明するのはむずかしいな」と感じていた。
It also seems weak to tell them that what is happening is not their fault and that the difficulties they are going through are only a result of their diseases.
「病気なんだから、働けなくても仕方ないですよ」ではなんとなく弱い。
As I was thinking about this, I came across a book that opened my eyes. The book, titled "Omoi shogai o ikiru to iu koto" (Living with serious disabilities) was written by Kiyoshi Takaya, a pediatrician who has worked at a facility for children with heavy disabilities for a long time.
そんな中、またまた読書を通して目をひらかれる経験をした。その本とは、重症心身障害児施設びわ湖学園で長く働く小児科医、高谷清氏が昨年、出した「重い障害を生きるということ」だ。
In his book, Takaya introduces children who have become bedridden as a result of their disabilities as "mankind's warriors," a reference to a well-known anime series.
その中で高谷氏は、自分ではまったく身体を動かすことができない、いわゆる“寝たきり”の障害児たちを、あるアニメになぞらえて「人類戦士」と表現している。
Takaya says that in order for some species to continue to exist, they have to keep on transforming themselves. ある生物種が死滅せずに存在し続けるためには、絶えず変貌を遂げて行く必要がある。
During that process, it is inevitable that some will develop disabilities.
その変貌の過程では、どうしても「障害」を持つ個体が生まれることもある。
Therefore, children who carry such disabilities have undertaken the task of passing through these inevitable circumstances -- they are, in other words, warriors protecting the rest of mankind.
だから、障害児は人類の障害を引き受けてくれている「人類戦士」だ、と高谷氏は言うのだ。
As I read Takaya's words, I came to think that this does not only apply to children with disabilities.
これは、心身障害児に限ったことではないはずだ。
For example, among my patients there was a company employee who was diagnosed with depression due to his heavy workload.
たとえば、企業の中で激務を強いられ、うつ病になった人がいた。
As a result of his leave of absence, however, his company decided to reconsider all company employees' workloads, which led to an improvement of the firm's mental health policies.
その企業では、彼の長期休職がきっかけとなり、全社的に働き方を見なおすことになり、メンタルヘルス対策の仕組みが整えられることになった。
Cases of "hikikomori" (social withdrawal) involving children, for example, often stem from family-related problems -- those involving their parents, siblings or other relatives.
子どもの引きこもりの背景には、両親やきょうだいを含むその家庭全体の問題があることも多い。
In this way, these children can also be called "mankind's warriors" for they have -- via their conditions -- taken on other social problems.
そう考えれば、彼らもいまの社会の問題を一身に背負っている「人類戦士」なのだ。
If there were no such people, the rest of us would proudly -- and quite incorrectly -- think that the way things have been done to address certain social issues up till now has been correct.
もし、こういう人たちがいなければ、私たちは「このやり方で間違っていないのだ」と傲慢になって暴走し、
This could lead to major problems that could actually end up affecting many people.
結果的にはより多くの人たちが苦しむことにもなりかねない。
To those suffering from mental diseases: You should know that your current condition is sending a red signal to society, trying to make people notice the existing problems that need to be tackled.
Your life is important for society.
心の病になった人。あなたは、いまの社会に警告を発し、いろいろな問題を訴えようとしている大切な存在なんですよ。
You didn't become ill because of your personal weakness -- it is a result of your ability to sense existing problems before others can.
あなたは弱いから病になったわけではなくて、世の中の問題を誰よりも早く察知できる、敏感な人たちなんです。
Therefore I ask you -- please, don't ever say that your life is worthless.
だから、「私には意味がない」なんて言わないで……。
If a patient tells me "I'm sorry for being alive" again, I would like to express these thoughts to them, though I don't know how effective I can be.
今度、診察室で「生きていて申し訳ない」と言う人がいたら、こんなことを伝えたいが、うまくいくだろうか。
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2012年2月7日 地方版
かつて、バブル景気盛んな日本でも同じような状態ではなかったのでしょうか。
歴史は繰り返すのです。
こうして、経済的な豊かさを取り戻したあとに、言いようのないむなしさを覚えるのも中国人のお金持ちたちなのです。
かつての日本がそうであったように。
経済的豊かさと精神的豊かさを同時に満足させるのは難しい。
つまるところ、現状をあるがままに受け入れ満足できる人たちが一番幸せなような気がしています。
スラチャイ
Tourism and the fear of locusts
木語：バッタ来襲の恐怖＝金子秀敏
＜ｍｏｋｕ－ｇｏ＞
Pearl Buck's novel "The Good Earth," set in a farming village in China's Anhui Province, contains a famous scene in which a swarm of locusts blackening the sky attacks the village's crops.
パール・バックの小説「大地」の舞台は中国安徽省の農村だ。空が暗くなるほど無数のイナゴが飛んできて畑を襲うという有名な場面がある。
In China there is a word for a migratory type of locust written with the characters for "flying" and "locust."
中国語では「飛蝗（ひこう）」という。実はイナゴよりも大きなトノサマバッタの一種だそうだ。
Recently controversy erupted in Hong Kong over an advertisement depicting a locust overlooking the city.
最近、この恐ろしいバッタが香港の地図の上にとまっているイラストを入れた意見広告が香港紙に掲載され、騒ぎになった。
It was a stab at the trend of pregnant women arriving from mainland China to give birth in Hong Kong, comparing them to a swarm of the insects.
内地からやってくる中国人妊婦をバッタの来襲に見立てているのだ。
If a husband and wife are Chinese nationals, then their child naturally obtains Chinese citizenship, but if the child is born in Hong Kong, then that child obtains Hong Kong residence rights.
夫と妻の双方が中国人ならその子は当然、中国籍だ。しかし香港で出産すると香港の居住権がとれる。
Because of this, Chinese women of means have occupied Hong Kong's maternity wards, and their children have filled kindergartens and schools.
金持ちや、ちょっと金持ちの中国人妊婦たちによって香港の産科病棟が占領された。病院は満員、こうして生まれた子どもたちで幼稚園や学校もいっぱいだ。
The controversial ad, which directed hostility at what it depicted as locusts laying waste to public facilities for Hong Kong residents, was funded by local Internet users.
香港人のための公共施設を荒らすバッタに敵意をむき出した意見広告は香港のネットユーザーが出した。
Not surprisingly, Hong Kong authorities warned the organizers over the discriminatory nature of the advertisement, but all the same, it uncovered a deep psychological tendency among the people of Hong Kong.
さすがに香港当局から差別的と警告を受けたが、香港人の深層心理はよく表れている。
As I have mentioned in previous columns, the clash of culture due to the rise of China emerged first in Hong Kong.
小欄が前回、前々回と取り上げたように、「中国の台頭」による文明の衝突が香港から始まった。
It began after Chinese became wealthy, the restrictions for overseas travel were eased, and Chinese headed to Hong Kong and other destinations to buy luxury items and brand-name products.
中国人が豊かになった。海外旅行の制限が緩和され、ぜいたく品やブランド品を買いに、香港へ、外国へどっと出てきた。
China now has the world's greatest purchasing power.
いまや世界一の購買力だ。
When Chinese-made powdered milk is found to be contaminated, people from China travel to Hong Kong and fill their suitcases with foreign-made powdered milk.
中国製粉ミルクが有害だとなると、香港に出てきて外国製粉ミルクをトランクいっぱい詰め込んで帰る。
And while such everyday items are being purchased, rich Chinese are also buying high-rise luxury homes on Hong Kong's coasts.
日用品もさりながら、海を見下ろす超高層の高級マンションを買うのも中国人の富豪たち。
Thanks to this, the Hong Kong economy is performing well.
おかげで香港経済は活気づいている。
One would expect Hong Kong residents to be happy about this, but difficult emotions are involved.
だから香港人は喜んでいいはずだが、そこは複雑な感情がある。
Until recently, Hong Kong was an international city with million-dollar night views, dubbed by some as the pearl of Asia, while China was a poor country filled with bicycles, closed off behind the "Bamboo Curtain."
ちょっと前まで香港は、１００万ドルの夜景、アジアの真珠とたたえられた国際都市だった。一方の中国は「竹のカーテン」に閉ざされた、自転車ばかりが走る貧しい国だった。
Symbolic of the change is the Dolce & Gabbana incident in January.
１月の「Ｄ＆Ｇ事件」が象徴的だった。
The famous Italian fashion house opened a major store in a shopping district of Hong Kong.
イタリアの有名ブランドが香港の繁華街に大型店を出した。
But when Hong Kong residents tried to take snapshots in front of the store, they were sent on their way.
香港市民が店の前で記念写真を撮ろうとすると追い払われた。
The store was not targeting locals as customers, but rather those from mainland China.
この店は、地元は相手にしておらず、狙いは中国人客なのだ。
Hong Kong residents, their pride bruised, began protests.
自尊心を傷つけられた香港人が抗議デモを起こした。
Countries across the world are now trying to attract Chinese tourists.
世界各国が中国人観光客の呼び込みをはかっている。
The number of foreign tourists to Japan dropped markedly after the March 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami, but Chinese tourist numbers are said to have recovered rapidly.
日本に来る外国人観光客は東日本大震災で激減したが、中国人観光客の数は急速に回復したという。
This is happy news for Japan, which is trying to build itself up through tourism.
観光立国を目指す日本にとって喜ばしいことだ。
Unless people in Japan are conscious of this, the same type of friction seen in Hong Kong will happen here, too.
しかし、そういう意識を自覚していないと香港のような摩擦が起きる。
（専門編集委員）
(By Hidetoshi Kaneko, Expert Senior Writer)
(Mainichi Japan) February 11, 2012
毎日新聞 2012年2月9日 東京朝刊
歴史は繰り返すのです。
こうして、経済的な豊かさを取り戻したあとに、言いようのないむなしさを覚えるのも中国人のお金持ちたちなのです。
かつての日本がそうであったように。
経済的豊かさと精神的豊かさを同時に満足させるのは難しい。
つまるところ、現状をあるがままに受け入れ満足できる人たちが一番幸せなような気がしています。
スラチャイ
Tourism and the fear of locusts
木語：バッタ来襲の恐怖＝金子秀敏
＜ｍｏｋｕ－ｇｏ＞
Pearl Buck's novel "The Good Earth," set in a farming village in China's Anhui Province, contains a famous scene in which a swarm of locusts blackening the sky attacks the village's crops.
パール・バックの小説「大地」の舞台は中国安徽省の農村だ。空が暗くなるほど無数のイナゴが飛んできて畑を襲うという有名な場面がある。
In China there is a word for a migratory type of locust written with the characters for "flying" and "locust."
中国語では「飛蝗（ひこう）」という。実はイナゴよりも大きなトノサマバッタの一種だそうだ。
Recently controversy erupted in Hong Kong over an advertisement depicting a locust overlooking the city.
最近、この恐ろしいバッタが香港の地図の上にとまっているイラストを入れた意見広告が香港紙に掲載され、騒ぎになった。
It was a stab at the trend of pregnant women arriving from mainland China to give birth in Hong Kong, comparing them to a swarm of the insects.
内地からやってくる中国人妊婦をバッタの来襲に見立てているのだ。
If a husband and wife are Chinese nationals, then their child naturally obtains Chinese citizenship, but if the child is born in Hong Kong, then that child obtains Hong Kong residence rights.
夫と妻の双方が中国人ならその子は当然、中国籍だ。しかし香港で出産すると香港の居住権がとれる。
Because of this, Chinese women of means have occupied Hong Kong's maternity wards, and their children have filled kindergartens and schools.
金持ちや、ちょっと金持ちの中国人妊婦たちによって香港の産科病棟が占領された。病院は満員、こうして生まれた子どもたちで幼稚園や学校もいっぱいだ。
The controversial ad, which directed hostility at what it depicted as locusts laying waste to public facilities for Hong Kong residents, was funded by local Internet users.
香港人のための公共施設を荒らすバッタに敵意をむき出した意見広告は香港のネットユーザーが出した。
Not surprisingly, Hong Kong authorities warned the organizers over the discriminatory nature of the advertisement, but all the same, it uncovered a deep psychological tendency among the people of Hong Kong.
さすがに香港当局から差別的と警告を受けたが、香港人の深層心理はよく表れている。
As I have mentioned in previous columns, the clash of culture due to the rise of China emerged first in Hong Kong.
小欄が前回、前々回と取り上げたように、「中国の台頭」による文明の衝突が香港から始まった。
It began after Chinese became wealthy, the restrictions for overseas travel were eased, and Chinese headed to Hong Kong and other destinations to buy luxury items and brand-name products.
中国人が豊かになった。海外旅行の制限が緩和され、ぜいたく品やブランド品を買いに、香港へ、外国へどっと出てきた。
China now has the world's greatest purchasing power.
いまや世界一の購買力だ。
When Chinese-made powdered milk is found to be contaminated, people from China travel to Hong Kong and fill their suitcases with foreign-made powdered milk.
中国製粉ミルクが有害だとなると、香港に出てきて外国製粉ミルクをトランクいっぱい詰め込んで帰る。
And while such everyday items are being purchased, rich Chinese are also buying high-rise luxury homes on Hong Kong's coasts.
日用品もさりながら、海を見下ろす超高層の高級マンションを買うのも中国人の富豪たち。
Thanks to this, the Hong Kong economy is performing well.
おかげで香港経済は活気づいている。
One would expect Hong Kong residents to be happy about this, but difficult emotions are involved.
だから香港人は喜んでいいはずだが、そこは複雑な感情がある。
Until recently, Hong Kong was an international city with million-dollar night views, dubbed by some as the pearl of Asia, while China was a poor country filled with bicycles, closed off behind the "Bamboo Curtain."
ちょっと前まで香港は、１００万ドルの夜景、アジアの真珠とたたえられた国際都市だった。一方の中国は「竹のカーテン」に閉ざされた、自転車ばかりが走る貧しい国だった。
Symbolic of the change is the Dolce & Gabbana incident in January.
１月の「Ｄ＆Ｇ事件」が象徴的だった。
The famous Italian fashion house opened a major store in a shopping district of Hong Kong.
イタリアの有名ブランドが香港の繁華街に大型店を出した。
But when Hong Kong residents tried to take snapshots in front of the store, they were sent on their way.
香港市民が店の前で記念写真を撮ろうとすると追い払われた。
The store was not targeting locals as customers, but rather those from mainland China.
この店は、地元は相手にしておらず、狙いは中国人客なのだ。
Hong Kong residents, their pride bruised, began protests.
自尊心を傷つけられた香港人が抗議デモを起こした。
Countries across the world are now trying to attract Chinese tourists.
世界各国が中国人観光客の呼び込みをはかっている。
The number of foreign tourists to Japan dropped markedly after the March 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami, but Chinese tourist numbers are said to have recovered rapidly.
日本に来る外国人観光客は東日本大震災で激減したが、中国人観光客の数は急速に回復したという。
This is happy news for Japan, which is trying to build itself up through tourism.
観光立国を目指す日本にとって喜ばしいことだ。
Unless people in Japan are conscious of this, the same type of friction seen in Hong Kong will happen here, too.
しかし、そういう意識を自覚していないと香港のような摩擦が起きる。
（専門編集委員）
(By Hidetoshi Kaneko, Expert Senior Writer)
(Mainichi Japan) February 11, 2012
毎日新聞 2012年2月9日 東京朝刊
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 11, 2012)
Promote active discussions on revising Constitution
９条と自衛隊 憲法改正へ論議の活性化を（2月10日付・読売社説）
It is necessary to advance discussions on revising the Constitution to bring it in line with reality, based on the historical background of discussions over the Self-Defense Forces.
歴史的な経緯を踏まえて、現実に合致した憲法に改正するための議論を進めることが必要だ。
At the House of Representatives Budget Committee, former Defense Minister Shigeru Ishiba of the Liberal Democratic Party recently asked Defense Minister Naoki Tanaka why the SDF is constitutional.
衆院予算委員会で自民党の石破茂・元防衛相が田中防衛相に自衛隊合憲の根拠をただした。
Ishiba suggested that the so-called Ashida revision provides legal justification for the SDF.
「芦田修正」がその根拠ではないかとも指摘した。
Tanaka was hard-pressed for an answer and only said: "I don't understand that point. I'd like to understand it by respectfully listening to your knowledge."
田中氏は、答弁に窮し、「その点、私は理解していない。先生のご知見を拝聴しながらよく理解したい」と述べるにとどまった。
The Ashida revision is named after Hitoshi Ashida, who in 1946 advocated a revision to the section concerning renunciation of war at a subcommittee of the House of Representatives committee that discussed a bill to revise the then existing Constitution of the Empire of Japan. Ashida was chairman of the committee.
芦田修正とは、憲法改正を論議した１９４６年の衆院帝国憲法改正案委員会小委員会で芦田均委員長が主唱し、実現したものだ。
The draft revision bill said in Paragraph 1 of Article 9 that Japan renounces wars of aggression, and in Paragraph 2 it stipulated war potential will never be maintained.
原案は９条１項で侵略戦争を放棄し、２項で戦力不保持を明記していた。
Under the Ashida revision, the words "In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph" were inserted in the beginning of Paragraph 2.
２項の冒頭に「前項の目的を達するため」を挿入した。
Because of this revision, there arose in later years an interpretation of the Constitution that holds Japan can possess war potential such as land, sea and air forces for self-defense.
これにより、自衛の目的であるならば、陸海空軍の戦力を持ち得るとする解釈論が後年、生まれることになる。
===
'Minimum' overemphasized
However, successive governments' interpretation of the Constitution has not used the Ashida revision as a legal basis for viewing the SDF as constitutional.
だが、政府解釈は、芦田修正を自衛隊合憲の根拠としてこなかった。
The government has been consistent in its view that maintaining the SDF does not violate the Constitution as long as it is "an armed organization kept to the minimum necessary" for self-defense.
自衛のための「必要最小限度の実力組織」であれば、憲法に反しないとの見解で一貫している。
In other words, the government's interpretation is that the SDF is not the war potential that is banned under the Constitution.
自衛隊は、憲法の禁じる「戦力」ではないというわけである。
Tanaka is under fire for lacking basic knowledge concerning defense issues. As the defense minister, he should have been able to explain the historical background.
「防衛問題の基本的な知識に欠ける」との批判を浴びる田中氏だが、防衛相なら本来、そうした経緯も含めて説明すべきだった。
However, the government should not cling to its conventional approach of trying to make its position sound plausible.
ただし、従来の、つじつまあわせのような政府見解を墨守すればよいわけではない。
===
Times have changed
The security environment around Japan has significantly changed from the time when the Constitution was established.
日本を取り巻く安全保障環境は憲法制定時から様変わりした。
The conventional interpretation of the Constitution regarding the SDF now hurts national interests.
自衛隊を巡る憲法解釈は、今や国益を害する事態を招いている。
A typical example is the government's interpretation of the nation's right to collective self-defense.
典型的なのが、集団的自衛権である。
It states that Japan has such a right but cannot exercise it because doing so exceeds the scope of the "minimum necessary."
権利を有しているが、行使は「必要最小限度の範囲」を超えるため許されない――
This interpretation constrains the SDF's cooperative activities with U.S. forces and other countries' militaries, and hampers deepening the Japan-U.S. alliance.
この解釈は米軍などとの協調行動を制約し、日米同盟の深化を妨げている。
The government's view, which developed in the Cabinet Legislation Bureau after World War II, should immediately be reviewed at the initiative of elected officials.
内閣法制局が戦後積み重ねてきた政府見解こそ、政治主導で早急に見直すべきである。
There is a great discrepancy between Article 9 and reality.
憲法９条と現実との乖離(かいり)は大きい。
All in all, it is right and proper to squarely work on a constitutional revision to give the SDF a clear status.
やはり、自衛隊を明確に位置づけるため、正面から憲法改正に取り組むのが筋だろう。
In its proposal to revise the Constitution in 2004, The Yomiuri Shimbun said that the Constitution should stipulate Japan may possess armed forces for self-defense even while preserving the pacifism aspect of Article 9.
読売新聞は２００４年の憲法改正試案で、９条の平和主義は継承し、「自衛のための軍隊の保持」を明記することを提起している。
Based on the government's interpretation of Article 9 and criticism against it, we hope each political party will deepen discussions of what Article 9 should be at the Deliberative Council on the Constitution of each chamber of the Diet.
政府解釈とそれに対する批判を踏まえて、各党は衆参両院の憲法審査会で９条の在り方について大いに議論を深めてもらいたい。
Article 9 is not the only issue on which revision to the Constitution is called for.
改正の論点は９条にとどまらない。
Although there is a gap between political parties' views of the Constitution, discussions on the top law, which is the foundation of the nation, must not stagnate.
各党間で考え方の開きはあるが、国の根幹である憲法の論議を停滞させてはならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 10, 2012)
（2012年2月10日01時16分 読売新聞）
Promote active discussions on revising Constitution
９条と自衛隊 憲法改正へ論議の活性化を（2月10日付・読売社説）
It is necessary to advance discussions on revising the Constitution to bring it in line with reality, based on the historical background of discussions over the Self-Defense Forces.
歴史的な経緯を踏まえて、現実に合致した憲法に改正するための議論を進めることが必要だ。
At the House of Representatives Budget Committee, former Defense Minister Shigeru Ishiba of the Liberal Democratic Party recently asked Defense Minister Naoki Tanaka why the SDF is constitutional.
衆院予算委員会で自民党の石破茂・元防衛相が田中防衛相に自衛隊合憲の根拠をただした。
Ishiba suggested that the so-called Ashida revision provides legal justification for the SDF.
「芦田修正」がその根拠ではないかとも指摘した。
Tanaka was hard-pressed for an answer and only said: "I don't understand that point. I'd like to understand it by respectfully listening to your knowledge."
田中氏は、答弁に窮し、「その点、私は理解していない。先生のご知見を拝聴しながらよく理解したい」と述べるにとどまった。
The Ashida revision is named after Hitoshi Ashida, who in 1946 advocated a revision to the section concerning renunciation of war at a subcommittee of the House of Representatives committee that discussed a bill to revise the then existing Constitution of the Empire of Japan. Ashida was chairman of the committee.
芦田修正とは、憲法改正を論議した１９４６年の衆院帝国憲法改正案委員会小委員会で芦田均委員長が主唱し、実現したものだ。
The draft revision bill said in Paragraph 1 of Article 9 that Japan renounces wars of aggression, and in Paragraph 2 it stipulated war potential will never be maintained.
原案は９条１項で侵略戦争を放棄し、２項で戦力不保持を明記していた。
Under the Ashida revision, the words "In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph" were inserted in the beginning of Paragraph 2.
２項の冒頭に「前項の目的を達するため」を挿入した。
Because of this revision, there arose in later years an interpretation of the Constitution that holds Japan can possess war potential such as land, sea and air forces for self-defense.
これにより、自衛の目的であるならば、陸海空軍の戦力を持ち得るとする解釈論が後年、生まれることになる。
===
'Minimum' overemphasized
However, successive governments' interpretation of the Constitution has not used the Ashida revision as a legal basis for viewing the SDF as constitutional.
だが、政府解釈は、芦田修正を自衛隊合憲の根拠としてこなかった。
The government has been consistent in its view that maintaining the SDF does not violate the Constitution as long as it is "an armed organization kept to the minimum necessary" for self-defense.
自衛のための「必要最小限度の実力組織」であれば、憲法に反しないとの見解で一貫している。
In other words, the government's interpretation is that the SDF is not the war potential that is banned under the Constitution.
自衛隊は、憲法の禁じる「戦力」ではないというわけである。
Tanaka is under fire for lacking basic knowledge concerning defense issues. As the defense minister, he should have been able to explain the historical background.
「防衛問題の基本的な知識に欠ける」との批判を浴びる田中氏だが、防衛相なら本来、そうした経緯も含めて説明すべきだった。
However, the government should not cling to its conventional approach of trying to make its position sound plausible.
ただし、従来の、つじつまあわせのような政府見解を墨守すればよいわけではない。
===
Times have changed
The security environment around Japan has significantly changed from the time when the Constitution was established.
日本を取り巻く安全保障環境は憲法制定時から様変わりした。
The conventional interpretation of the Constitution regarding the SDF now hurts national interests.
自衛隊を巡る憲法解釈は、今や国益を害する事態を招いている。
A typical example is the government's interpretation of the nation's right to collective self-defense.
典型的なのが、集団的自衛権である。
It states that Japan has such a right but cannot exercise it because doing so exceeds the scope of the "minimum necessary."
権利を有しているが、行使は「必要最小限度の範囲」を超えるため許されない――
This interpretation constrains the SDF's cooperative activities with U.S. forces and other countries' militaries, and hampers deepening the Japan-U.S. alliance.
この解釈は米軍などとの協調行動を制約し、日米同盟の深化を妨げている。
The government's view, which developed in the Cabinet Legislation Bureau after World War II, should immediately be reviewed at the initiative of elected officials.
内閣法制局が戦後積み重ねてきた政府見解こそ、政治主導で早急に見直すべきである。
There is a great discrepancy between Article 9 and reality.
憲法９条と現実との乖離(かいり)は大きい。
All in all, it is right and proper to squarely work on a constitutional revision to give the SDF a clear status.
やはり、自衛隊を明確に位置づけるため、正面から憲法改正に取り組むのが筋だろう。
In its proposal to revise the Constitution in 2004, The Yomiuri Shimbun said that the Constitution should stipulate Japan may possess armed forces for self-defense even while preserving the pacifism aspect of Article 9.
読売新聞は２００４年の憲法改正試案で、９条の平和主義は継承し、「自衛のための軍隊の保持」を明記することを提起している。
Based on the government's interpretation of Article 9 and criticism against it, we hope each political party will deepen discussions of what Article 9 should be at the Deliberative Council on the Constitution of each chamber of the Diet.
政府解釈とそれに対する批判を踏まえて、各党は衆参両院の憲法審査会で９条の在り方について大いに議論を深めてもらいたい。
Article 9 is not the only issue on which revision to the Constitution is called for.
改正の論点は９条にとどまらない。
Although there is a gap between political parties' views of the Constitution, discussions on the top law, which is the foundation of the nation, must not stagnate.
各党間で考え方の開きはあるが、国の根幹である憲法の論議を停滞させてはならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 10, 2012)
（2012年2月10日01時16分 読売新聞）
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 9, 2012)
In-depth studies needed on extended Shinkansen routes
整備新幹線 着工ありきでなく十分検証を（2月8日付・読売社説）
We have nagging doubts about whether three new Shinkansen sections will produce effects that justify the huge investment required to build them.
巨額の投資に見合った効果を上げられるかどうか、疑問が残る。
The government should avoid making a hasty decision based on the idea that starting construction is the basic premise.
「はじめに着工ありき」で拙速な判断をすることは避けねばならない。
A verification panel of scholars and experts of the Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism Ministry has started discussions on the planned sections.
整備新幹線の未着工区間について、国土交通省の有識者会議の議論が始まった。
They are reexamining whether simultaneously starting construction of the three sections, a policy confirmed by the government and the ruling parties late last year, is appropriate.
政府・与党が昨年末、同時着工方針を確認したことを受け、その可否を検証する。
The panel is checking sections planned to run between Shin-Hakodate and Sapporo on the Hokkaido Shinkansen line; Kanazawa and Tsuruga on the Hokuriku Shinkansen; and Isahaya and Nagasaki on the Kyushu Shinkansen.
対象は、北海道の新函館―札幌、北陸の金沢―敦賀、九州の諫早―長崎の各区間である。
Total project costs will top 3 trillion yen.
総事業費は３兆円を超える。
The panelists are required to properly check the profitability and economic effects of the extended lines.
採算性や経済効果を十分吟味することが求められよう。
Calls to start constructing the three sections were very strong when the Liberal Democratic Party-led administration was in power.
３区間は自民党政権時代には着工を求める声が強かったが、
However, the Democratic Party of Japan-led administration froze the projects in 2009 as part of its review of public works projects.
民主党政権が２００９年、公共事業見直しの一環として凍結した。
===
New revenue source found
The DPJ-led administration's latest policy turnaround to start construction was possible, it said, because it had found the money to go ahead with the plan.
方針を転換したのは、財源確保にメドがついたためと説明している。
As a new revenue source, the government zeroed in on charges JR companies pay to the Japan Railway Construction, Transport and Technology Agency to use Shinkansen-related facilities.
新たな財源として着目したのが、ＪＲが鉄道建設・運輸施設整備支援機構に支払っている新幹線の施設使用料だ。
Law revisions that came into effect last year enabled these charges to be used for construction costs.
昨年の法改正で建設費に回せるようになった。
For the time being, about 40 billion yen will be available annually.
当面は年間４００億円程度ある。
According to the government and the ruling parties, costs not met by these charges will be shouldered by the central and local governments.
政府・与党案では、施設使用料からの転用分以外は、国と自治体が負担するとしている。
Furthermore, the construction period--which is usually 10 years--will be extended up to 24 years to reduce the financial burden required for a single fiscal year.
さらに、単年度の負担を抑えるため、通常１０年の工事期間を最長２４年に延長する。
The government aims to open the Hokkaido section in fiscal 2035, the Hokuriku section in fiscal 2025 and the Kyushu section in fiscal 2022.
北海道３５年度、北陸２５年度、九州２２年度の開業を目指す計画だ。
However, we think this idea is strange.
しかし、これはおかしい。
If the construction period is extended, the total project cost will grow by more than 200 billion yen from the initial estimate.
工期を長期化した結果、総事業費は当初見込みより２０００億円以上も膨らむ。
Even if the cost for a single fiscal year is reduced, it is crystal clear that state and local government coffers will feel the pinch even more if huge budgets have to be poured into Shinkansen line construction for nearly 25 years.
単年度当たりの事業費は減るとしても、四半世紀にわたり多額の予算を投入し続ければ、国と地方の財政が一段と逼迫(ひっぱく)するのは自明の理だ。
The local governments concerned probably hope to make the Shinkansen lines a pillar for regional economic development.
関係自治体は新幹線を地域振興の柱にしたいのだろうが、
However, in addition to forking out for construction costs, these local governments will inevitably face the difficult problem of regular railway lines that run alongside the Shinkansen lines falling into debt.
地元負担に加え、並行在来線の赤字という不可避の難題も待ち受ける。
===
Will passenger numbers increase?
The transport ministry has estimated the three sections will produce average annual profits of between 2 billion yen and 10 billion yen after they open.
国交省は、３区間とも開業後に年平均２０億～１００億円の利益が出ると試算している。
However, opening the Nagasaki-Isahaya section will trim the time between Hakata and Nagasaki stations on the Kyushu Shinkansen route by only 28 minutes, compared with the existing regular railway line.
だが、博多―長崎間の所要時間の短縮は２８分にとどまる。
Extension of the Hokkaido route will mean Sapporo is an about five-hour ride from Tokyo.
札幌延伸で東京―札幌間は約５時間で結ばれるが、
Both lines will face fierce competition with airline companies, so it is anyone's guess whether they can attract more passengers.
いずれも航空会社との競争は厳しく、利用客が増えるかどうかは予断できない。
A ministry estimate on the lines' cost efficiency, which indicates the benefits to localities and passengers compared with the funds invested, came in at a smidgen over the break-even point of 1.
投入する資金に対し、地元や利用者がどれだけ恩恵を受けるかを表す費用対効果の試算も、収支とんとんを示す「１」をわずかに上回る程度に過ぎない。
It is important to establish integrated networks of expressways, airline routes and railway lines.
高速道路、航空、鉄道の整備を一体的に考えることが重要だ。
It is not too late to reexamine what to do with the Shinkansen sections whose construction has not started after parts now being built, including one between Shin-Aomori and Shin-Hakodate stations, have been completed.
未着工区間の扱いは、新青森―新函館間など建設中の区間の完成後に再検討しても遅くはない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 8, 2012)
（2012年2月8日01時05分 読売新聞）
In-depth studies needed on extended Shinkansen routes
整備新幹線 着工ありきでなく十分検証を（2月8日付・読売社説）
We have nagging doubts about whether three new Shinkansen sections will produce effects that justify the huge investment required to build them.
巨額の投資に見合った効果を上げられるかどうか、疑問が残る。
The government should avoid making a hasty decision based on the idea that starting construction is the basic premise.
「はじめに着工ありき」で拙速な判断をすることは避けねばならない。
A verification panel of scholars and experts of the Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism Ministry has started discussions on the planned sections.
整備新幹線の未着工区間について、国土交通省の有識者会議の議論が始まった。
They are reexamining whether simultaneously starting construction of the three sections, a policy confirmed by the government and the ruling parties late last year, is appropriate.
政府・与党が昨年末、同時着工方針を確認したことを受け、その可否を検証する。
The panel is checking sections planned to run between Shin-Hakodate and Sapporo on the Hokkaido Shinkansen line; Kanazawa and Tsuruga on the Hokuriku Shinkansen; and Isahaya and Nagasaki on the Kyushu Shinkansen.
対象は、北海道の新函館―札幌、北陸の金沢―敦賀、九州の諫早―長崎の各区間である。
Total project costs will top 3 trillion yen.
総事業費は３兆円を超える。
The panelists are required to properly check the profitability and economic effects of the extended lines.
採算性や経済効果を十分吟味することが求められよう。
Calls to start constructing the three sections were very strong when the Liberal Democratic Party-led administration was in power.
３区間は自民党政権時代には着工を求める声が強かったが、
However, the Democratic Party of Japan-led administration froze the projects in 2009 as part of its review of public works projects.
民主党政権が２００９年、公共事業見直しの一環として凍結した。
===
New revenue source found
The DPJ-led administration's latest policy turnaround to start construction was possible, it said, because it had found the money to go ahead with the plan.
方針を転換したのは、財源確保にメドがついたためと説明している。
As a new revenue source, the government zeroed in on charges JR companies pay to the Japan Railway Construction, Transport and Technology Agency to use Shinkansen-related facilities.
新たな財源として着目したのが、ＪＲが鉄道建設・運輸施設整備支援機構に支払っている新幹線の施設使用料だ。
Law revisions that came into effect last year enabled these charges to be used for construction costs.
昨年の法改正で建設費に回せるようになった。
For the time being, about 40 billion yen will be available annually.
当面は年間４００億円程度ある。
According to the government and the ruling parties, costs not met by these charges will be shouldered by the central and local governments.
政府・与党案では、施設使用料からの転用分以外は、国と自治体が負担するとしている。
Furthermore, the construction period--which is usually 10 years--will be extended up to 24 years to reduce the financial burden required for a single fiscal year.
さらに、単年度の負担を抑えるため、通常１０年の工事期間を最長２４年に延長する。
The government aims to open the Hokkaido section in fiscal 2035, the Hokuriku section in fiscal 2025 and the Kyushu section in fiscal 2022.
北海道３５年度、北陸２５年度、九州２２年度の開業を目指す計画だ。
However, we think this idea is strange.
しかし、これはおかしい。
If the construction period is extended, the total project cost will grow by more than 200 billion yen from the initial estimate.
工期を長期化した結果、総事業費は当初見込みより２０００億円以上も膨らむ。
Even if the cost for a single fiscal year is reduced, it is crystal clear that state and local government coffers will feel the pinch even more if huge budgets have to be poured into Shinkansen line construction for nearly 25 years.
単年度当たりの事業費は減るとしても、四半世紀にわたり多額の予算を投入し続ければ、国と地方の財政が一段と逼迫(ひっぱく)するのは自明の理だ。
The local governments concerned probably hope to make the Shinkansen lines a pillar for regional economic development.
関係自治体は新幹線を地域振興の柱にしたいのだろうが、
However, in addition to forking out for construction costs, these local governments will inevitably face the difficult problem of regular railway lines that run alongside the Shinkansen lines falling into debt.
地元負担に加え、並行在来線の赤字という不可避の難題も待ち受ける。
===
Will passenger numbers increase?
The transport ministry has estimated the three sections will produce average annual profits of between 2 billion yen and 10 billion yen after they open.
国交省は、３区間とも開業後に年平均２０億～１００億円の利益が出ると試算している。
However, opening the Nagasaki-Isahaya section will trim the time between Hakata and Nagasaki stations on the Kyushu Shinkansen route by only 28 minutes, compared with the existing regular railway line.
だが、博多―長崎間の所要時間の短縮は２８分にとどまる。
Extension of the Hokkaido route will mean Sapporo is an about five-hour ride from Tokyo.
札幌延伸で東京―札幌間は約５時間で結ばれるが、
Both lines will face fierce competition with airline companies, so it is anyone's guess whether they can attract more passengers.
いずれも航空会社との競争は厳しく、利用客が増えるかどうかは予断できない。
A ministry estimate on the lines' cost efficiency, which indicates the benefits to localities and passengers compared with the funds invested, came in at a smidgen over the break-even point of 1.
投入する資金に対し、地元や利用者がどれだけ恩恵を受けるかを表す費用対効果の試算も、収支とんとんを示す「１」をわずかに上回る程度に過ぎない。
It is important to establish integrated networks of expressways, airline routes and railway lines.
高速道路、航空、鉄道の整備を一体的に考えることが重要だ。
It is not too late to reexamine what to do with the Shinkansen sections whose construction has not started after parts now being built, including one between Shin-Aomori and Shin-Hakodate stations, have been completed.
未着工区間の扱いは、新青森―新函館間など建設中の区間の完成後に再検討しても遅くはない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 8, 2012)
（2012年2月8日01時05分 読売新聞）
ビルマの夜明けはまだまだ先だ
要旨：
軍事政権が実権を握っている構図は何ら変わらない。
憲法も最近改正されて軍事政権の介入なしにはなにも出来なくされてしまっている。
変わったのは、そのやり方が一方的な弾圧から、民主的な方法で問題解決する手法に移っただけ。
狙いは、言うまでもなく、英米、欧州、日本などの経済制裁の解除。
ビルマ社会がこの長いトンネルを抜け出して、真の民主化を掴むのはまだまだ先のことだ。
それが、達成できるかどうかも分からないのだ。（ギャンブル状態）
実際に現地で足で稼いだ記事だと思います。
日本ビルマ情報ネットワークのダイレクター、ゆき あきもと さんの力作です。大変に美しい人です。
朝日新聞が掲載してくれました。
日本語訳はありません。最初の部分だけ意訳してみました。
（スラチャイ）
POINT OF VIEW / Yuki Akimoto: True democracy in Burma?
ビルマの夜明けはまだまだ先だ
February 08, 2012
These days, the media is full of upbeat reports about all the changes taking place in Myanmar (Burma). It is true that the government in Burma has undertaken certain reforms.
最近巷ではビルマ関連の記事で溢れてしまっている。ビルマが変わりつつあるのは間違いないようだ。
Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the pro-democracy movement, has been allowed to participate in the bi-elections scheduled for April, a marked change from elections in 2010 when several unfair legal provisions effectively banned her party from taking part. Many prominent former student activists have been released, and the once-strict censorship rules have been relaxed.
At the same time, there has been a rapid thaw in Burma’s relations with the United States and the United Kingdom, countries that used to regularly denounce Burma for its systematic human rights abuses and lack of democratic reforms, and that impose various sanctions because of this. Diplomats and politicians from around the world are visiting Burma.
Amid talk of the lifting of sanctions, aid organizations are preparing to re-engage in Burma, and heightened interest in the country among commercial investors has driven property prices soaring in key locations.
Despite all the optimistic commentary, however, Burma remains far from democracy. In the nominally civilian government, the president is a former army general, and 26 of the 30 ministers are also former military men (no woman is in the Cabinet). In the parliament, 25 percent of the seats are reserved for those in the military. Widespread irregularities were reported about the 2010 elections, whose outcome allowed the pro-military party to take most of the remaining seats.
The president may hand over all powers to Burma’s top military commander in a state of emergency--a legal coup d’etat. The Constitution that provides for all of this cannot be amended without the support of the military. Further, rule of law is not established, and the judiciary is not independent. Hundreds of political prisoners remain in prisons all over Burma. And despite reports of “peace agreements” reached, repression and abuses against civilians continue in ethnic conflict areas.
Just as it did under the former military regime, the army retains substantive control over the governance of the country. The top priority for the army, which is to hold onto its privileges and protect its interests, has not changed, either. The only difference are the tactics adopted by the military: instead of oppressing the people and any opposition by threat and use of bare force, the new government has opted to impress upon the people and the international community that it is “bent on democratic reforms,” thereby apparently trying to prevent frustration and opposition from reaching a boiling point. These tactics also provide cover for foreign governments and international financial institutions to lift sanctions and to resume or increase development aid.
Burma’s current government is not motivated by the goal of true democracy. President Thein Sein did not even bother to hide this fact in his recent interview with The Washington Post. Asked for a message to its American readers, Thein Sein declared: “If you would like to see democracy thrive in our country, you should take the necessary actions to encourage this by easing the sanctions. ...” This statement turns logic on its head. Sanctions were imposed because Burma would not embark on democratic reforms and refused to improve the human rights situation. Sanctions did not make Burma any less democratic. In any case, if one genuinely wanted democratization and were serious about obtaining it, one would not refer to the removal of sanctions as a condition.
Aung San Suu Kyi could have refused to cooperate with Thein Sein and his allies. She is presumably aware of all the pitfalls. Her decision to participate in the bi-elections, and her colleagues’ support for this move, do not mean that they recognize the current government as a legitimate democratic government or a trustworthy partner. They have decided to struggle within the system despite this understanding because they recognize that taking advantage of the current opportunity may eventually--perhaps in several decades--lead to an emergence of a truly democratic society where people can freely participate. Those of us outside Burma should understand that they are on a gamble, so to speak, and continue to support them in realizing their hope.
***
Yuki Akimoto is a director of BurmaInfo Japan (http://www.burmainfo.org/), where she researches and writes about Burma with a focus on human rights and environment.
要旨：
軍事政権が実権を握っている構図は何ら変わらない。
憲法も最近改正されて軍事政権の介入なしにはなにも出来なくされてしまっている。
変わったのは、そのやり方が一方的な弾圧から、民主的な方法で問題解決する手法に移っただけ。
狙いは、言うまでもなく、英米、欧州、日本などの経済制裁の解除。
ビルマ社会がこの長いトンネルを抜け出して、真の民主化を掴むのはまだまだ先のことだ。
それが、達成できるかどうかも分からないのだ。（ギャンブル状態）
実際に現地で足で稼いだ記事だと思います。
日本ビルマ情報ネットワークのダイレクター、ゆき あきもと さんの力作です。大変に美しい人です。
朝日新聞が掲載してくれました。
日本語訳はありません。最初の部分だけ意訳してみました。
（スラチャイ）
POINT OF VIEW / Yuki Akimoto: True democracy in Burma?
ビルマの夜明けはまだまだ先だ
February 08, 2012
These days, the media is full of upbeat reports about all the changes taking place in Myanmar (Burma). It is true that the government in Burma has undertaken certain reforms.
最近巷ではビルマ関連の記事で溢れてしまっている。ビルマが変わりつつあるのは間違いないようだ。
Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the pro-democracy movement, has been allowed to participate in the bi-elections scheduled for April, a marked change from elections in 2010 when several unfair legal provisions effectively banned her party from taking part. Many prominent former student activists have been released, and the once-strict censorship rules have been relaxed.
At the same time, there has been a rapid thaw in Burma’s relations with the United States and the United Kingdom, countries that used to regularly denounce Burma for its systematic human rights abuses and lack of democratic reforms, and that impose various sanctions because of this. Diplomats and politicians from around the world are visiting Burma.
Amid talk of the lifting of sanctions, aid organizations are preparing to re-engage in Burma, and heightened interest in the country among commercial investors has driven property prices soaring in key locations.
Despite all the optimistic commentary, however, Burma remains far from democracy. In the nominally civilian government, the president is a former army general, and 26 of the 30 ministers are also former military men (no woman is in the Cabinet). In the parliament, 25 percent of the seats are reserved for those in the military. Widespread irregularities were reported about the 2010 elections, whose outcome allowed the pro-military party to take most of the remaining seats.
The president may hand over all powers to Burma’s top military commander in a state of emergency--a legal coup d’etat. The Constitution that provides for all of this cannot be amended without the support of the military. Further, rule of law is not established, and the judiciary is not independent. Hundreds of political prisoners remain in prisons all over Burma. And despite reports of “peace agreements” reached, repression and abuses against civilians continue in ethnic conflict areas.
Just as it did under the former military regime, the army retains substantive control over the governance of the country. The top priority for the army, which is to hold onto its privileges and protect its interests, has not changed, either. The only difference are the tactics adopted by the military: instead of oppressing the people and any opposition by threat and use of bare force, the new government has opted to impress upon the people and the international community that it is “bent on democratic reforms,” thereby apparently trying to prevent frustration and opposition from reaching a boiling point. These tactics also provide cover for foreign governments and international financial institutions to lift sanctions and to resume or increase development aid.
Burma’s current government is not motivated by the goal of true democracy. President Thein Sein did not even bother to hide this fact in his recent interview with The Washington Post. Asked for a message to its American readers, Thein Sein declared: “If you would like to see democracy thrive in our country, you should take the necessary actions to encourage this by easing the sanctions. ...” This statement turns logic on its head. Sanctions were imposed because Burma would not embark on democratic reforms and refused to improve the human rights situation. Sanctions did not make Burma any less democratic. In any case, if one genuinely wanted democratization and were serious about obtaining it, one would not refer to the removal of sanctions as a condition.
Aung San Suu Kyi could have refused to cooperate with Thein Sein and his allies. She is presumably aware of all the pitfalls. Her decision to participate in the bi-elections, and her colleagues’ support for this move, do not mean that they recognize the current government as a legitimate democratic government or a trustworthy partner. They have decided to struggle within the system despite this understanding because they recognize that taking advantage of the current opportunity may eventually--perhaps in several decades--lead to an emergence of a truly democratic society where people can freely participate. Those of us outside Burma should understand that they are on a gamble, so to speak, and continue to support them in realizing their hope.
***
Yuki Akimoto is a director of BurmaInfo Japan (http://www.burmainfo.org/), where she researches and writes about Burma with a focus on human rights and environment.
(Mainichi Japan) February 7, 2012
Relocation of Futenma base must not be neglected in review of US force realignment
社説：普天間置き去りは困る
The issue of relocating U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Okinawa Prefecture must not be left behind in a review of the planned realignment of U.S. forces in Japan.
(今回の米軍再編成により普天間の移設問題がうやむやにされてはならない。trans. by srachai )
Tokyo and Washington have agreed in principle to transfer some of the U.S. Marines in Okinawa to Guam in advance of the Futenma relocation, even though the two countries had decided to carry out both relocations as a package.
日米両政府は、在沖縄米海兵隊のグアム移転と米軍普天間飛行場（沖縄県宜野湾市）の移設を「パッケージ」としてきた米軍再編の日米合意を見直し、海兵隊移転を切り離して先行させることで大筋合意した。
Specifically, the number of Okinawa-based Marines to be moved to Guam would be reduced to about 4,700 from the some 8,000 planned initially, while the remainder would be shifted to U.S. bases in Australia, the Philippines and other countries in a rotation.
具体的には、海兵隊のグアムへの移転規模を当初の約８０００人から約４７００人に縮小し、残りの約３３００人はオーストラリアやフィリピンなどの米軍基地にローテーションで分散移転するという。
It is widely believed that the review has been put in motion on the U.S. government's initiative, with an eye to winning the support of a Congress calling for deep defense spending cuts, including to funds for the Okinawa-based Marines' relocation.
グアム移転費を含めた国防費の大幅削減を求める米議会の理解を得るため、米政府が移転計画の見直しを主導したものとみられる。
The relocation of Futenma, which is aimed at eliminating the danger the base -- located right in the middle of the city of Ginowan -- poses to local residents, and the transfer of Marines to Guam under the U.S. forces realignment, do not in fact have anything to do with each other.
もともと、普天間周辺の住民の危険除去を目的とする飛行場の返還・移設と、米軍再編の一環である海兵隊のグアム移転は、歴史的経緯もその性格も異なる。
However, these two separate issues were combined in a 2006 bilateral agreement on the realignment of U.S. forces.
それが、０６年の米軍再編に関する日米合意でセットにされたというのがいきさつだ。
If the transfer of Okinawa-based Marines goes ahead, it will undoubtedly reduce the U.S. base-hosting burden Japan's southernmost prefecture has shouldered for so many decades.
沖縄に集中する海兵隊の海外移転が進めば、沖縄の基地負担の軽減に結びつくのは間違いない。
If the delinking of the two issues leads to an early transfer of Marines out of Okinawa, it should be regarded as a major step forward.
「切り離し」が早期の海兵隊移転につながるとすれば、それ自体は前進だろう。
However, concerns have been raised that the delinking of the two issues could lead to a slowdown in efforts to relocate Futenma out of Ginowan.
しかし、この「切り離し」が普天間問題の「置き去り」を招くことになっては決してならない。
The Japanese and U.S. governments are required to respond to local governments' concerns, including that "the U.S. government may lose enthusiasm for settling the Futenma issue once it completes transferring Marines out of Okinawa" and that "the Futenma base may stay in Ginowan permanently."
「米政府は海兵隊移転で普天間問題解決の意欲を失うのではないか」「普天間が固定化されるのでは」－－こうした沖縄の不安に、日米両政府はきちんと答える必要がある。
Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda said recently, "As we're aware that local residents are concerned that Futenma may remain there permanently, we'll put our utmost efforts into our negotiations on the issue with the United States."
野田佳彦首相は「固定化への懸念は承知しているので、全力で（日米で）協議していく」と語った。
As he has pledged, the government should place priority on ensuring that Futenma will be relocated out of Ginowan.
言葉通り、普天間の固定化回避を最優先して取り組んでもらいたい。
The prime minister should have the courage to review the Japan-U.S. agreement to move the Futenma base to the Henoko district of Nago, also in Okinawa Prefecture, which Nago residents are opposing.
毎日新聞は普天間移設について、沖縄が反対する「名護市辺野古への県内移設」の見直しを視野に入れて再検討するよう求めてきた。
そうでなければ最悪の事態である「普天間の固定化」が現実味を帯びてくるからだ。米側に再検討を提起する勇気を、野田首相に求める。
We would like to request that the two countries ensure that the following two points are carried out.
また、海兵隊の海外移転見直しについて２点、注文したい。
First, Tokyo and Washington should speed up their consultations on early relocation of Marines to Guam, and work out the details of the plan to rotate the remaining troops to other areas in a way that will truly reduce the burden on Okinawa.
まず、グアム移転早期実現の協議を急ぎ、残りの部隊の「ローテーションによる分散移転」が現実に沖縄の負担軽減となるよう詳細を詰めることだ。
It would be unacceptable if the Marines on rotation continued to place a burden on Okinawa.
ローテーションの内容しだいで、海外移転が事実上、グアム移転だけになり、負担軽減策が後退してしまうとすれば、論外である。
Moreover, with the decrease in the number of troops to be moved to Guam, the two countries need to review a bilateral agreement under which Japan is required to foot $6.09 billion of the $10.27 billion cost of the transfer.
さらに、グアムへの移転規模の縮小に伴って、総額１０２．７億ドルのうち日本側が６０．９億ドルを負担するとした日米合意も見直さざるを得ない。
It is a matter of course that Tokyo demand its financial burden be reduced.
日本側の負担減額を要求するのは当然であり、
Japan should not agree to pay any unnecessary costs in an effort to ensure U.S. troops are rotated out of Okinawa.
「ローテーション」対策として安易な支出に踏み切るようなことは避けるべきだ。
毎日新聞 2012年2月7日 2時31分
Relocation of Futenma base must not be neglected in review of US force realignment
社説：普天間置き去りは困る
The issue of relocating U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Okinawa Prefecture must not be left behind in a review of the planned realignment of U.S. forces in Japan.
(今回の米軍再編成により普天間の移設問題がうやむやにされてはならない。trans. by srachai )
Tokyo and Washington have agreed in principle to transfer some of the U.S. Marines in Okinawa to Guam in advance of the Futenma relocation, even though the two countries had decided to carry out both relocations as a package.
日米両政府は、在沖縄米海兵隊のグアム移転と米軍普天間飛行場（沖縄県宜野湾市）の移設を「パッケージ」としてきた米軍再編の日米合意を見直し、海兵隊移転を切り離して先行させることで大筋合意した。
Specifically, the number of Okinawa-based Marines to be moved to Guam would be reduced to about 4,700 from the some 8,000 planned initially, while the remainder would be shifted to U.S. bases in Australia, the Philippines and other countries in a rotation.
具体的には、海兵隊のグアムへの移転規模を当初の約８０００人から約４７００人に縮小し、残りの約３３００人はオーストラリアやフィリピンなどの米軍基地にローテーションで分散移転するという。
It is widely believed that the review has been put in motion on the U.S. government's initiative, with an eye to winning the support of a Congress calling for deep defense spending cuts, including to funds for the Okinawa-based Marines' relocation.
グアム移転費を含めた国防費の大幅削減を求める米議会の理解を得るため、米政府が移転計画の見直しを主導したものとみられる。
The relocation of Futenma, which is aimed at eliminating the danger the base -- located right in the middle of the city of Ginowan -- poses to local residents, and the transfer of Marines to Guam under the U.S. forces realignment, do not in fact have anything to do with each other.
もともと、普天間周辺の住民の危険除去を目的とする飛行場の返還・移設と、米軍再編の一環である海兵隊のグアム移転は、歴史的経緯もその性格も異なる。
However, these two separate issues were combined in a 2006 bilateral agreement on the realignment of U.S. forces.
それが、０６年の米軍再編に関する日米合意でセットにされたというのがいきさつだ。
If the transfer of Okinawa-based Marines goes ahead, it will undoubtedly reduce the U.S. base-hosting burden Japan's southernmost prefecture has shouldered for so many decades.
沖縄に集中する海兵隊の海外移転が進めば、沖縄の基地負担の軽減に結びつくのは間違いない。
If the delinking of the two issues leads to an early transfer of Marines out of Okinawa, it should be regarded as a major step forward.
「切り離し」が早期の海兵隊移転につながるとすれば、それ自体は前進だろう。
However, concerns have been raised that the delinking of the two issues could lead to a slowdown in efforts to relocate Futenma out of Ginowan.
しかし、この「切り離し」が普天間問題の「置き去り」を招くことになっては決してならない。
The Japanese and U.S. governments are required to respond to local governments' concerns, including that "the U.S. government may lose enthusiasm for settling the Futenma issue once it completes transferring Marines out of Okinawa" and that "the Futenma base may stay in Ginowan permanently."
「米政府は海兵隊移転で普天間問題解決の意欲を失うのではないか」「普天間が固定化されるのでは」－－こうした沖縄の不安に、日米両政府はきちんと答える必要がある。
Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda said recently, "As we're aware that local residents are concerned that Futenma may remain there permanently, we'll put our utmost efforts into our negotiations on the issue with the United States."
野田佳彦首相は「固定化への懸念は承知しているので、全力で（日米で）協議していく」と語った。
As he has pledged, the government should place priority on ensuring that Futenma will be relocated out of Ginowan.
言葉通り、普天間の固定化回避を最優先して取り組んでもらいたい。
The prime minister should have the courage to review the Japan-U.S. agreement to move the Futenma base to the Henoko district of Nago, also in Okinawa Prefecture, which Nago residents are opposing.
毎日新聞は普天間移設について、沖縄が反対する「名護市辺野古への県内移設」の見直しを視野に入れて再検討するよう求めてきた。
そうでなければ最悪の事態である「普天間の固定化」が現実味を帯びてくるからだ。米側に再検討を提起する勇気を、野田首相に求める。
We would like to request that the two countries ensure that the following two points are carried out.
また、海兵隊の海外移転見直しについて２点、注文したい。
First, Tokyo and Washington should speed up their consultations on early relocation of Marines to Guam, and work out the details of the plan to rotate the remaining troops to other areas in a way that will truly reduce the burden on Okinawa.
まず、グアム移転早期実現の協議を急ぎ、残りの部隊の「ローテーションによる分散移転」が現実に沖縄の負担軽減となるよう詳細を詰めることだ。
It would be unacceptable if the Marines on rotation continued to place a burden on Okinawa.
ローテーションの内容しだいで、海外移転が事実上、グアム移転だけになり、負担軽減策が後退してしまうとすれば、論外である。
Moreover, with the decrease in the number of troops to be moved to Guam, the two countries need to review a bilateral agreement under which Japan is required to foot $6.09 billion of the $10.27 billion cost of the transfer.
さらに、グアムへの移転規模の縮小に伴って、総額１０２．７億ドルのうち日本側が６０．９億ドルを負担するとした日米合意も見直さざるを得ない。
It is a matter of course that Tokyo demand its financial burden be reduced.
日本側の負担減額を要求するのは当然であり、
Japan should not agree to pay any unnecessary costs in an effort to ensure U.S. troops are rotated out of Okinawa.
「ローテーション」対策として安易な支出に踏み切るようなことは避けるべきだ。
毎日新聞 2012年2月7日 2時31分
(Mainichi Japan) February 6, 2012
Edano key person in Japan's nuclear future, but keeps true intentions hidden
風知草：枝野と鈴木貫太郎＝山田孝男
Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Yukio Edano recently revealed in a magazine interview that the prime minister for whom he holds the highest regard is Kantaro Suzuki.
枝野幸男経済産業相（４７）が最も高く評価している首相は鈴木貫太郎だそうだ。最近出た雑誌「ｇ２」（講談社）のインタビューで自ら語っている。
I found the mention of a taciturn, sage-like military chancellor by an eloquent lawyer-turned-minister striking.
口達者な弁護士閣僚と、寡黙で仙人めいた軍人老宰相。この取り合わせは面白い。
Suzuki was the prime minister of Japan when it surrendered to end World War II.
鈴木は日本が第二次大戦に負けた時の首相である。
He was the one who brought the war to a close.
鈴木は戦争を終わらせた。
So what will Edano end?
枝野は何を終わらせるのか。
"Modernity," he promptly responded when I posed the question to him last weekend.
先週末、枝野に直接確かめると、「近代でしょう」と即答した。
And what did he mean by "modernity"?
近代って？
"A society of standardized mass production."
「規格大量生産の社会」。
Was that the same as bringing nuclear power to an end?
原発を終わらせることとは違う？
"Nuclear power is not (our biggest challenge). Rather, energy conservation is."
「原発がメーン（の課題）ではない。むしろ省エネがポイントです」。枝野はそう言った。
The aforementioned interview spanned 20 pages in the most recent issue of the magazine G2, and addressed a wide range of topics -- including disillusionment with regime change, energy policy, the Constitution, and Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) bigwig Ichiro Ozawa.
「ｇ２」のインタビューは２０ページに及ぶ。政権交代への幻滅、エネルギー政策、憲法、小沢一郎と話題は多岐にわたるが、
The common thread throughout the entire interview, however, was "the abandonment of modernity."
全編を貫くキーワードは「脱近代」である。
観念的と言えば観念的。
As the interviewer, Katsuyuki Yakushiji, a professor of sociology at Toyo University and a former chief editor of the Asahi Shimbun's political news section, challenged Edano on his highly conceptual remarks.
インタビュアーの薬師寺克行東洋大教授（元朝日新聞政治部長）が、さまざまな突っ込みを入れている。
"So what do you mean by modernization?" Yakushiji asked.
－－近代化とは？
Edano answered: "The economic development process in which we achieve affluence by selling products to other countries."
枝野「経済成長のもとで、物を他国に売って豊かになっていくプロセスです」
"Are the things that the DPJ views as problematic, including the widening gap between the rich and the poor and rising unemployment, signs of the contradictions arising (from continued modernization)?" Yakushiji pushed further.
－－民主党が批判している格差拡大や非正規雇用の増加はそうした（＝近代化継続の）矛盾の表れですか？
"Countries that have achieved modernity are chased by countries who are newly reaching modernity.
枝野「近代化を成し遂げた国は、新たに近代化する国に追いかけられ、
When these modern countries try to compete on the same footing as up-and-coming countries, their societies deteriorate.
（新興国と）同じ土俵で競争すれば社会が悪くなっていく。
What (former Prime Minister Junichiro) Koizumi did was just that.
小泉（純一郎）さんがやったことがそれ。
I think such issues need to be overcome through the creation of a 'postmodern' social system."
こうした問題は『ポスト近代』の社会システムをつくることで克服すべきだと思う」……。
Though Suzuki and Edano may seem to have nothing in common at first glance, their similarities become clearer when one focuses on a certain characteristic: they're both key figures in deciding national policy whose real intentions are difficult to read.
似ても似つかぬ２人だが、見方によっては共通点がある。国の重要政策を左右するキーパーソンだが、ハラの内は読めないというところだ。
Suzuki became prime minister in April 1945, nearing the end of World War II.
Cabinet members comprised military and "pro-peace" factions, and the legend goes that Suzuki, a former naval officer, did not reveal his true intentions.
鈴木は第二次大戦末期の１９４５（昭和２０）年４月、首相になった。
Instead, he committed himself to saving the face of those pushing for more fighting, while artfully leading the way to peace.
当時、内閣は和平派閣僚と抗戦派閣僚の呉越同舟だった。海軍出身の鈴木は本心を明かさず、抗戦派の顔を立てながら、巧みに和平へ導いたというのが通説である。
How about Edano?
枝野はどうか。
When it comes down to it, is he for nuclear power, or against it?
この人はつまるところ脱原発なのか、原発維持なのか。
People on both sides are desperately trying to figure out what lies in the minister's heart of hearts.
脱原発派も、原発維持派も、枝野の本心を読み解こうと一生懸命だ。
Of Japan's 54 nuclear reactors, only three are now running. If they, too, undergo scheduled inspections, all 54 will be out of operation by late April, with no prospects of restarting.
全国５４基の原発は順次定期検査に入っており、このままなら４月末に全部止まる。
Edano had been expected to pour his efforts into talking local municipalities into giving the go-ahead for the restarts, but in a newspaper interview published on Jan. 27, he suggested that Japan would get by fine without nuclear power.
枝野は自治体に再稼働容認を働きかけるかと思いきや、「原発ゼロでも大丈夫」と言わんばかりの新聞インタビュー（朝日新聞１月２７日朝刊）が出た。
At a press conference on Jan. 18, Edano also made the comment: "Emotionally, I lean toward the notion that we should be as cautious as possible regarding the resumption of operations (of nuclear reactors)."
「心情としては、再稼働に限りなく慎重であるべきだという主張に近い」という発言（１月１８日記者会見）もあった。
This is the same person, however, who has given his permission to the export of Japan's nuclear technology, and stands by the government's new growth strategy under which the exports will be carried out.
その枝野は、同時に、原発輸出を容認し、新成長戦略の旗を降ろさぬ枝野でもある。
Edano and the DPJ are at the center of contradiction and chaos.
枝野も、民主党政権も、矛盾と混乱のまっただ中にいる。
Pressed about this, he responded: "The Meiji Restoration was also a time of confusion. Turbulent times themselves are not a problem. What's important is whether our actions lead to the construction of a new era."
そこを突かれると、枝野は切り返した。「明治維新も混乱期だった。混乱そのものが問題なのではなく、次の時代の建設に向かう動きかどうかということが本質だと思います」
It was in explaining to his interviewer that he is currently not aiming to become prime minister that Edano mentioned Suzuki.
枝野が鈴木の名を持ち出したのは、「自分は今は首相を目指していない」と強調するくだりだった。
Suzuki only agreed to take the helm of the Cabinet at the recommendation of the Emperor's advisers and coaxing from the Emperor himself.
鈴木は敗戦間近、重臣の推挙と天皇の説得で渋々、内閣を率いた。
"People sought out by the specific era should become prime minister," Edano said. "They are the ones who accomplish great things."
「時代から求められた人が首相になるべきで、そういう人が大きな仕事をするんですよ」と枝野。
Will this era be calling on Edano?
時代は枝野を呼び出すだろうか。
(By Takao Yamada, Expert Senior Writer)
（敬称略）（毎週月曜日掲載）
毎日新聞 2012年2月6日 東京朝刊
Edano key person in Japan's nuclear future, but keeps true intentions hidden
風知草：枝野と鈴木貫太郎＝山田孝男
Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Yukio Edano recently revealed in a magazine interview that the prime minister for whom he holds the highest regard is Kantaro Suzuki.
枝野幸男経済産業相（４７）が最も高く評価している首相は鈴木貫太郎だそうだ。最近出た雑誌「ｇ２」（講談社）のインタビューで自ら語っている。
I found the mention of a taciturn, sage-like military chancellor by an eloquent lawyer-turned-minister striking.
口達者な弁護士閣僚と、寡黙で仙人めいた軍人老宰相。この取り合わせは面白い。
Suzuki was the prime minister of Japan when it surrendered to end World War II.
鈴木は日本が第二次大戦に負けた時の首相である。
He was the one who brought the war to a close.
鈴木は戦争を終わらせた。
So what will Edano end?
枝野は何を終わらせるのか。
"Modernity," he promptly responded when I posed the question to him last weekend.
先週末、枝野に直接確かめると、「近代でしょう」と即答した。
And what did he mean by "modernity"?
近代って？
"A society of standardized mass production."
「規格大量生産の社会」。
Was that the same as bringing nuclear power to an end?
原発を終わらせることとは違う？
"Nuclear power is not (our biggest challenge). Rather, energy conservation is."
「原発がメーン（の課題）ではない。むしろ省エネがポイントです」。枝野はそう言った。
The aforementioned interview spanned 20 pages in the most recent issue of the magazine G2, and addressed a wide range of topics -- including disillusionment with regime change, energy policy, the Constitution, and Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) bigwig Ichiro Ozawa.
「ｇ２」のインタビューは２０ページに及ぶ。政権交代への幻滅、エネルギー政策、憲法、小沢一郎と話題は多岐にわたるが、
The common thread throughout the entire interview, however, was "the abandonment of modernity."
全編を貫くキーワードは「脱近代」である。
観念的と言えば観念的。
As the interviewer, Katsuyuki Yakushiji, a professor of sociology at Toyo University and a former chief editor of the Asahi Shimbun's political news section, challenged Edano on his highly conceptual remarks.
インタビュアーの薬師寺克行東洋大教授（元朝日新聞政治部長）が、さまざまな突っ込みを入れている。
"So what do you mean by modernization?" Yakushiji asked.
－－近代化とは？
Edano answered: "The economic development process in which we achieve affluence by selling products to other countries."
枝野「経済成長のもとで、物を他国に売って豊かになっていくプロセスです」
"Are the things that the DPJ views as problematic, including the widening gap between the rich and the poor and rising unemployment, signs of the contradictions arising (from continued modernization)?" Yakushiji pushed further.
－－民主党が批判している格差拡大や非正規雇用の増加はそうした（＝近代化継続の）矛盾の表れですか？
"Countries that have achieved modernity are chased by countries who are newly reaching modernity.
枝野「近代化を成し遂げた国は、新たに近代化する国に追いかけられ、
When these modern countries try to compete on the same footing as up-and-coming countries, their societies deteriorate.
（新興国と）同じ土俵で競争すれば社会が悪くなっていく。
What (former Prime Minister Junichiro) Koizumi did was just that.
小泉（純一郎）さんがやったことがそれ。
I think such issues need to be overcome through the creation of a 'postmodern' social system."
こうした問題は『ポスト近代』の社会システムをつくることで克服すべきだと思う」……。
Though Suzuki and Edano may seem to have nothing in common at first glance, their similarities become clearer when one focuses on a certain characteristic: they're both key figures in deciding national policy whose real intentions are difficult to read.
似ても似つかぬ２人だが、見方によっては共通点がある。国の重要政策を左右するキーパーソンだが、ハラの内は読めないというところだ。
Suzuki became prime minister in April 1945, nearing the end of World War II.
Cabinet members comprised military and "pro-peace" factions, and the legend goes that Suzuki, a former naval officer, did not reveal his true intentions.
鈴木は第二次大戦末期の１９４５（昭和２０）年４月、首相になった。
Instead, he committed himself to saving the face of those pushing for more fighting, while artfully leading the way to peace.
当時、内閣は和平派閣僚と抗戦派閣僚の呉越同舟だった。海軍出身の鈴木は本心を明かさず、抗戦派の顔を立てながら、巧みに和平へ導いたというのが通説である。
How about Edano?
枝野はどうか。
When it comes down to it, is he for nuclear power, or against it?
この人はつまるところ脱原発なのか、原発維持なのか。
People on both sides are desperately trying to figure out what lies in the minister's heart of hearts.
脱原発派も、原発維持派も、枝野の本心を読み解こうと一生懸命だ。
Of Japan's 54 nuclear reactors, only three are now running. If they, too, undergo scheduled inspections, all 54 will be out of operation by late April, with no prospects of restarting.
全国５４基の原発は順次定期検査に入っており、このままなら４月末に全部止まる。
Edano had been expected to pour his efforts into talking local municipalities into giving the go-ahead for the restarts, but in a newspaper interview published on Jan. 27, he suggested that Japan would get by fine without nuclear power.
枝野は自治体に再稼働容認を働きかけるかと思いきや、「原発ゼロでも大丈夫」と言わんばかりの新聞インタビュー（朝日新聞１月２７日朝刊）が出た。
At a press conference on Jan. 18, Edano also made the comment: "Emotionally, I lean toward the notion that we should be as cautious as possible regarding the resumption of operations (of nuclear reactors)."
「心情としては、再稼働に限りなく慎重であるべきだという主張に近い」という発言（１月１８日記者会見）もあった。
This is the same person, however, who has given his permission to the export of Japan's nuclear technology, and stands by the government's new growth strategy under which the exports will be carried out.
その枝野は、同時に、原発輸出を容認し、新成長戦略の旗を降ろさぬ枝野でもある。
Edano and the DPJ are at the center of contradiction and chaos.
枝野も、民主党政権も、矛盾と混乱のまっただ中にいる。
Pressed about this, he responded: "The Meiji Restoration was also a time of confusion. Turbulent times themselves are not a problem. What's important is whether our actions lead to the construction of a new era."
そこを突かれると、枝野は切り返した。「明治維新も混乱期だった。混乱そのものが問題なのではなく、次の時代の建設に向かう動きかどうかということが本質だと思います」
It was in explaining to his interviewer that he is currently not aiming to become prime minister that Edano mentioned Suzuki.
枝野が鈴木の名を持ち出したのは、「自分は今は首相を目指していない」と強調するくだりだった。
Suzuki only agreed to take the helm of the Cabinet at the recommendation of the Emperor's advisers and coaxing from the Emperor himself.
鈴木は敗戦間近、重臣の推挙と天皇の説得で渋々、内閣を率いた。
"People sought out by the specific era should become prime minister," Edano said. "They are the ones who accomplish great things."
「時代から求められた人が首相になるべきで、そういう人が大きな仕事をするんですよ」と枝野。
Will this era be calling on Edano?
時代は枝野を呼び出すだろうか。
(By Takao Yamada, Expert Senior Writer)
（敬称略）（毎週月曜日掲載）
毎日新聞 2012年2月6日 東京朝刊
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 6, 2012)
Rework arrangements needed to get relocation issue moving
沖縄局長「講話」 「普天間」前進へ態勢立て直せ（2月5日付・読売社説）
The Defense Ministry is considering possible punishment of Ro Manabe, chief of the Okinawa Defense Bureau, who reportedly encouraged his subordinates to vote in the mayoral election in Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture, slated for Feb. 12.
防衛省が、１２日投票の沖縄県宜野湾市長選への投票を職員に呼びかけた真部朗沖縄防衛局長について、処分を検討している。
There is no denying that Manabe's actions could have led to misunderstandings, even though they may not have been illegal.
違法ではないが、誤解を招きかねない行為だったのは否定できない。
Late last month, Manabe allegedly gave "lectures" on the mayoral election to 66 of his subordinates who either live in the city or have relatives there.
真部局長は１月下旬、宜野湾市内に本人か親族が住む職員６６人に講話を行った。
While explaining the standpoint of the central government and prospective candidates on the issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station, located in Ginowan, Manabe called their attention to the principle that public servants must be politically neutral.
米軍普天間飛行場の移設問題に関する政府の立場や立候補予定者の考え方を説明する一方、「公務員は政治的中立性が要求される」と注意を促した。
At a meeting of the House of Representatives Budget Committee to which he was summoned as an unsworn witness, Manabe emphasized that his lectures were rooted in the ministry's code of conduct for civil servants, which forbids recommending any particular candidate.
真部局長は参考人として招致された衆院予算委員会でも、特定の候補を推薦してはいけないなどとする防衛省の服務規律の通達を踏まえた講話だったと強調した。
The upcoming mayoral election is likely to be a one-on-one fight between conservative and reformist candidates, with the outcome expected to affect the relocation issue.
宜野湾市長選は保革一騎打ちが予想され、その結果は普天間問題にも影響すると見られていた。
===
Good intentions
Manabe, for his part, allegedly gave the lectures in the hope they would promote progress on the relocation issue, and meant to act within a scope that would not violate the Public Offices Election Law, which prohibits using the status of a public servant in an election campaign.
真部局長とすれば、公務員の地位を利用した選挙運動を禁じる公職選挙法に抵触しない範囲で、普天間問題の前進の一助となれば、と考えて講話をしたのだろう。
The Defense Ministry has found that Manabe did not express support for any specific person during the lectures and there were no illegal acts.
防衛省は、特定候補を支持する発言はなく、違法行為はなかったとしている。
The ministry's judgment can be called appropriate, in principle.
その判断は、基本的に妥当と言えよう。
Manabe allegedly gave similar lectures during recent elections, including one for the city assembly of Nago, also in the prefecture, held in 2010.
真部局長は一昨年の名護市議選などでも同様の講話を行った。
This time the issue is more controversial, as local people have become highly critical of the bureau due to the inappropriate comments by Manabe's predecessor, which cost him his post in late November. There has also been turmoil over the delivery of an environmental impact report compiled by the central government regarding relocation of the base, and gaffes made by former and current defense ministers Yasuo Ichikawa and Naoki Tanaka.
今回は、一川、田中の２代の防衛相の失言・迷言に加え、前任局長の不適切発言や環境影響評価書提出時の混乱で、沖縄防衛局への地元の視線が険しくなっていたことが、問題を大きくした。
Tanaka initially intended to penalize Manabe by replacing him on Friday.
田中防衛相は当初、３日に真部局長を処分・更迭する考えだったが、
However, support for Manabe was expressed during the committee meeting and Tanaka's talks with senior ministry officials, leading him to postpone his decision on punishment.
予算委などで局長の擁護論が出たため、決定を先送りした。
Tanaka said that to aid the ministry's investigation of Manabe, he would have the bureau chief fulfill his responsibility to explain. This is a disgraceful stance, as Tanaka is trying to avoid his own responsibility for the confusion caused by the postponement of his decision.
田中氏が「局長に説明責任を果たさせる」と語ったのは、判断先送りで混乱を招いた自らの責任を回避するもので、不見識だ。
===
Consider bureaucrats' morale
If the defense minister commits the similarly irresponsible act of forcing a bureaucrat to take the blame for the turmoil concerning a key policy issue, as the previous chief of the Okinawa Defense Bureau was forced to do, it will erode the morale of bureaucrats who are sincerely working on key policy issues. This would weaken the defense administration as a whole.
前局長に続き、官僚に責任を押しつける安易な対応を重ねれば、政策課題に真剣に取り組んでいる官僚の士気をくじき、防衛行政自体を弱体化させかねない。
Also questionable is the response to this issue by the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito, which have criticized the administration of Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda over the relocation issue.
野田政権を追及する自民、公明両党の対応にも、疑問がある。
It was the then ruling coalition parties of the LDP and Komeito that decided to transfer the functions of the Futenma Air Station from Ginowan to the Henoko district of Nago.
そもそも普天間飛行場の辺野古移設を決めたのは自公政権だ。
It is only reasonable for opposition parties to criticize any problematic elements of the government.
野党として、政府の問題点を批判するのは当然だが、
But if they end up making it difficult to realize the relocation to the Henoko district, it will destabilize bilateral relations between Japan and the United States, thus damaging national interests.
結果として辺野古移設の実現を困難にすれば日米関係を不安定化させ、国益を損ねる。
Both parties need to make judgments from a broader perspective, instead of merely pursuing their party interests.
党利党略でなく、より大局的な対応が求められる。
The relocation issue is now at a crucial stage.
普天間問題は今、正念場にある。
If the transfer to the Henoko district comes to a standstill, the Futenma Air Station will inevitably remain in the same location.
辺野古移設が頓挫すれば、普天間飛行場は固定化が避けられない。
The Noda administration needs to rework its arrangements and do its utmost to realize the relocation.
野田政権は態勢を立て直し、移設実現に全力を挙げるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 5, 2012)
（2012年2月5日01時34分 読売新聞）
Rework arrangements needed to get relocation issue moving
沖縄局長「講話」 「普天間」前進へ態勢立て直せ（2月5日付・読売社説）
The Defense Ministry is considering possible punishment of Ro Manabe, chief of the Okinawa Defense Bureau, who reportedly encouraged his subordinates to vote in the mayoral election in Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture, slated for Feb. 12.
防衛省が、１２日投票の沖縄県宜野湾市長選への投票を職員に呼びかけた真部朗沖縄防衛局長について、処分を検討している。
There is no denying that Manabe's actions could have led to misunderstandings, even though they may not have been illegal.
違法ではないが、誤解を招きかねない行為だったのは否定できない。
Late last month, Manabe allegedly gave "lectures" on the mayoral election to 66 of his subordinates who either live in the city or have relatives there.
真部局長は１月下旬、宜野湾市内に本人か親族が住む職員６６人に講話を行った。
While explaining the standpoint of the central government and prospective candidates on the issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station, located in Ginowan, Manabe called their attention to the principle that public servants must be politically neutral.
米軍普天間飛行場の移設問題に関する政府の立場や立候補予定者の考え方を説明する一方、「公務員は政治的中立性が要求される」と注意を促した。
At a meeting of the House of Representatives Budget Committee to which he was summoned as an unsworn witness, Manabe emphasized that his lectures were rooted in the ministry's code of conduct for civil servants, which forbids recommending any particular candidate.
真部局長は参考人として招致された衆院予算委員会でも、特定の候補を推薦してはいけないなどとする防衛省の服務規律の通達を踏まえた講話だったと強調した。
The upcoming mayoral election is likely to be a one-on-one fight between conservative and reformist candidates, with the outcome expected to affect the relocation issue.
宜野湾市長選は保革一騎打ちが予想され、その結果は普天間問題にも影響すると見られていた。
===
Good intentions
Manabe, for his part, allegedly gave the lectures in the hope they would promote progress on the relocation issue, and meant to act within a scope that would not violate the Public Offices Election Law, which prohibits using the status of a public servant in an election campaign.
真部局長とすれば、公務員の地位を利用した選挙運動を禁じる公職選挙法に抵触しない範囲で、普天間問題の前進の一助となれば、と考えて講話をしたのだろう。
The Defense Ministry has found that Manabe did not express support for any specific person during the lectures and there were no illegal acts.
防衛省は、特定候補を支持する発言はなく、違法行為はなかったとしている。
The ministry's judgment can be called appropriate, in principle.
その判断は、基本的に妥当と言えよう。
Manabe allegedly gave similar lectures during recent elections, including one for the city assembly of Nago, also in the prefecture, held in 2010.
真部局長は一昨年の名護市議選などでも同様の講話を行った。
This time the issue is more controversial, as local people have become highly critical of the bureau due to the inappropriate comments by Manabe's predecessor, which cost him his post in late November. There has also been turmoil over the delivery of an environmental impact report compiled by the central government regarding relocation of the base, and gaffes made by former and current defense ministers Yasuo Ichikawa and Naoki Tanaka.
今回は、一川、田中の２代の防衛相の失言・迷言に加え、前任局長の不適切発言や環境影響評価書提出時の混乱で、沖縄防衛局への地元の視線が険しくなっていたことが、問題を大きくした。
Tanaka initially intended to penalize Manabe by replacing him on Friday.
田中防衛相は当初、３日に真部局長を処分・更迭する考えだったが、
However, support for Manabe was expressed during the committee meeting and Tanaka's talks with senior ministry officials, leading him to postpone his decision on punishment.
予算委などで局長の擁護論が出たため、決定を先送りした。
Tanaka said that to aid the ministry's investigation of Manabe, he would have the bureau chief fulfill his responsibility to explain. This is a disgraceful stance, as Tanaka is trying to avoid his own responsibility for the confusion caused by the postponement of his decision.
田中氏が「局長に説明責任を果たさせる」と語ったのは、判断先送りで混乱を招いた自らの責任を回避するもので、不見識だ。
===
Consider bureaucrats' morale
If the defense minister commits the similarly irresponsible act of forcing a bureaucrat to take the blame for the turmoil concerning a key policy issue, as the previous chief of the Okinawa Defense Bureau was forced to do, it will erode the morale of bureaucrats who are sincerely working on key policy issues. This would weaken the defense administration as a whole.
前局長に続き、官僚に責任を押しつける安易な対応を重ねれば、政策課題に真剣に取り組んでいる官僚の士気をくじき、防衛行政自体を弱体化させかねない。
Also questionable is the response to this issue by the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito, which have criticized the administration of Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda over the relocation issue.
野田政権を追及する自民、公明両党の対応にも、疑問がある。
It was the then ruling coalition parties of the LDP and Komeito that decided to transfer the functions of the Futenma Air Station from Ginowan to the Henoko district of Nago.
そもそも普天間飛行場の辺野古移設を決めたのは自公政権だ。
It is only reasonable for opposition parties to criticize any problematic elements of the government.
野党として、政府の問題点を批判するのは当然だが、
But if they end up making it difficult to realize the relocation to the Henoko district, it will destabilize bilateral relations between Japan and the United States, thus damaging national interests.
結果として辺野古移設の実現を困難にすれば日米関係を不安定化させ、国益を損ねる。
Both parties need to make judgments from a broader perspective, instead of merely pursuing their party interests.
党利党略でなく、より大局的な対応が求められる。
The relocation issue is now at a crucial stage.
普天間問題は今、正念場にある。
If the transfer to the Henoko district comes to a standstill, the Futenma Air Station will inevitably remain in the same location.
辺野古移設が頓挫すれば、普天間飛行場は固定化が避けられない。
The Noda administration needs to rework its arrangements and do its utmost to realize the relocation.
野田政権は態勢を立て直し、移設実現に全力を挙げるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 5, 2012)
（2012年2月5日01時34分 読売新聞）
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 4, 2012)
Egypt must rebuild economy by building democracy
エジプト議会 民主化遂行で経済立て直しを（2月3日付・読売社説）
An important milestone has been achieved in Egypt's progress toward democracy.
民主化への重要な一里塚である。
An election for the People's Assembly, or lower house of parliament, has been carried out, with a political party founded by the Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamic fundamentalist organization, emerging as the biggest winner.
エジプトで、人民議会（下院）選が行われ、イスラム原理主義組織「ムスリム同胞団」が設立した政党が第１党となった。
After the overthrow in February last year of the regime of President Hosni Mubarak, the transfer to civilian government has been progressing under the provisional rule of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces.
１年前のムバラク政権崩壊後、軍最高評議会の暫定統治下で、民政移行プロセスが進行中だ。
Another major advance for democratization is the fact that the National Emergency Law, which granted overwhelming powers to the police, was lifted in principle for the first time in about 30 years in the wake of the lower house election.
下院選後、警察に絶大な権限を与えた「非常事態法」が約３０年ぶりに原則的に解除されたのも前進だ。
The Muslim Brotherhood had been banned from engaging in political activities under the Mubarak regime, although it garnered considerable public support through its benevolent activities, such as providing medical services to the poor.
ムスリム同胞団は、貧困層への慈善や医療活動などで社会に浸透していたが、旧政権下で弾圧され政治活動を禁じられていた。
===
Thorny road to power shift
This time, however, it was free to take part in the parliamentary election, fielding candidates of its own party, the Freedom and Justice Party.
しかし、今回は自前の政党「自由公正党」を押したてて議会選に臨むことができた。
The party won nearly a half of the lower house seats, and its secretary general has been elected speaker of the lower chamber.
下院では定数の半数近い議席を獲得し、党幹事長が下院議長に選ばれた。
Nevertheless, there are a mountain of challenges that must be resolved before the shift from the provisional rule to a civilian government can be realized.
とはいえ、民政移行まで踏むべきステップは多い。
If the ongoing election of the upper house, or Shura (Consultative) Council of the legislature, is concluded in February as scheduled, the two chambers are to set up a 100-member panel to draft a constitution. The draft of the new constitution will then be put to a national referendum, and a new president is to be elected by the end of June.
いま行われている上院選が２月中に終われば、議会は憲法起草委員会を設置する。新憲法案が国民投票にかけられ、６月末までに大統領選が行われる予定だ。
There are fears that the process of writing the new constitution may be hard going, as it will face such issues as the powers and duties of the president and parliament, what role the military should play and to what extent the constitution should reflect Islamic teachings.
憲法の中身をめぐっては、大統領と国会の役割や、軍の位置づけのほか、イスラム色がどこまで反映されるか、などが議論のポイントで、難航する恐れもある。
This is because while many young Egyptians have been seeking an immediate end to military rule, many others still pin their hopes on the military as a source of stability during the transition.
国内には、若者層を中心に軍政の即時終結を求める声もあるが、安定を保障する存在として軍に信望を寄せる国民も多いからだ。
How relations develop between the military and the Muslim Brotherhood is said to be of key significance to Egypt's political future.
軍とムスリム同胞団の関係が、今後の政治動向のカギを握ると言えよう。
If the two remain hostile to each other, as they did in the Mubarak era, the country's politics can hardly move forward.
旧政権下のように、互いに敵対していては、政治は前に進むまい。
Reconciliation and compromise between the two forces are indispensable for averting confusion.
混乱の回避へ、歩み寄りが求められる。
The military and the Muslim Brotherhood also have a responsibility to buckle down to the task of rehabilitating the Egyptian economy.
軍とムスリム同胞団には、経済再建に取り組む責任もある。
===
Islamic strength on rise
The economic downturn in Egypt ever since last year's political upheaval has been serious, resulting from such causes as sharp declines in the number of tourists.
昨年の政変以降、観光客が激減するなど、経済の落ち込みは深刻だ。
The military rulers have acknowledged the need for support from the International Monetary Fund and have entered negotiations with the IMF on specific aid plans.
軍政は、国際通貨基金（ＩＭＦ）による支援の必要性を認め、協議に入った。
The Muslim Brotherhood is committed to efforts to make Islamic values compatible with a market economy.
ムスリム同胞団は、イスラムの価値観と市場経済の両立を目指し、
For example, it has indicated it is in favor of adopting a policy of exempting foreign tourists from the Islamic ban on drinking.
外国人観光客にまで禁酒を強いるような戒律の強制はしない方針を示唆している。
This can be taken as a sign of pragmatism on the part of the Muslim Brotherhood in light of the importance of tourism to the Egyptian economy.
エジプト経済における観光の重みを踏まえた、現実路線の表れに違いない。
In parliament, the Freedom and Justice Party is reportedly groping for ways to formulate an alliance with secular political parties.
議会では、自由公正党は世俗派政党との連携を模索中だ。
Attention is being paid to whether the FJP and secular parties can reach an agreement on basic policy matters.
基本政策で合意はできるのかどうか。
In the Middle East and North Africa, where the storm of transformations called the "Arab Spring" has been blowing, the power of Islamist forces has been on the rise along with moves for democratization.
「アラブの春」と呼ばれる変革の波に洗われる中東・北アフリカ地域では、民主化に伴い、イスラム主義勢力が台頭している。
The Muslim Brotherhood's moves from now on will likely serve as a litmus test about whether democracy can take root in these regions.
エジプトのムスリム同胞団の動向は、この地域で民主化が定着するか否かを占う試金石になろう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 3, 2012)
（2012年2月3日01時19分 読売新聞）
Egypt must rebuild economy by building democracy
エジプト議会 民主化遂行で経済立て直しを（2月3日付・読売社説）
An important milestone has been achieved in Egypt's progress toward democracy.
民主化への重要な一里塚である。
An election for the People's Assembly, or lower house of parliament, has been carried out, with a political party founded by the Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamic fundamentalist organization, emerging as the biggest winner.
エジプトで、人民議会（下院）選が行われ、イスラム原理主義組織「ムスリム同胞団」が設立した政党が第１党となった。
After the overthrow in February last year of the regime of President Hosni Mubarak, the transfer to civilian government has been progressing under the provisional rule of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces.
１年前のムバラク政権崩壊後、軍最高評議会の暫定統治下で、民政移行プロセスが進行中だ。
Another major advance for democratization is the fact that the National Emergency Law, which granted overwhelming powers to the police, was lifted in principle for the first time in about 30 years in the wake of the lower house election.
下院選後、警察に絶大な権限を与えた「非常事態法」が約３０年ぶりに原則的に解除されたのも前進だ。
The Muslim Brotherhood had been banned from engaging in political activities under the Mubarak regime, although it garnered considerable public support through its benevolent activities, such as providing medical services to the poor.
ムスリム同胞団は、貧困層への慈善や医療活動などで社会に浸透していたが、旧政権下で弾圧され政治活動を禁じられていた。
===
Thorny road to power shift
This time, however, it was free to take part in the parliamentary election, fielding candidates of its own party, the Freedom and Justice Party.
しかし、今回は自前の政党「自由公正党」を押したてて議会選に臨むことができた。
The party won nearly a half of the lower house seats, and its secretary general has been elected speaker of the lower chamber.
下院では定数の半数近い議席を獲得し、党幹事長が下院議長に選ばれた。
Nevertheless, there are a mountain of challenges that must be resolved before the shift from the provisional rule to a civilian government can be realized.
とはいえ、民政移行まで踏むべきステップは多い。
If the ongoing election of the upper house, or Shura (Consultative) Council of the legislature, is concluded in February as scheduled, the two chambers are to set up a 100-member panel to draft a constitution. The draft of the new constitution will then be put to a national referendum, and a new president is to be elected by the end of June.
いま行われている上院選が２月中に終われば、議会は憲法起草委員会を設置する。新憲法案が国民投票にかけられ、６月末までに大統領選が行われる予定だ。
There are fears that the process of writing the new constitution may be hard going, as it will face such issues as the powers and duties of the president and parliament, what role the military should play and to what extent the constitution should reflect Islamic teachings.
憲法の中身をめぐっては、大統領と国会の役割や、軍の位置づけのほか、イスラム色がどこまで反映されるか、などが議論のポイントで、難航する恐れもある。
This is because while many young Egyptians have been seeking an immediate end to military rule, many others still pin their hopes on the military as a source of stability during the transition.
国内には、若者層を中心に軍政の即時終結を求める声もあるが、安定を保障する存在として軍に信望を寄せる国民も多いからだ。
How relations develop between the military and the Muslim Brotherhood is said to be of key significance to Egypt's political future.
軍とムスリム同胞団の関係が、今後の政治動向のカギを握ると言えよう。
If the two remain hostile to each other, as they did in the Mubarak era, the country's politics can hardly move forward.
旧政権下のように、互いに敵対していては、政治は前に進むまい。
Reconciliation and compromise between the two forces are indispensable for averting confusion.
混乱の回避へ、歩み寄りが求められる。
The military and the Muslim Brotherhood also have a responsibility to buckle down to the task of rehabilitating the Egyptian economy.
軍とムスリム同胞団には、経済再建に取り組む責任もある。
===
Islamic strength on rise
The economic downturn in Egypt ever since last year's political upheaval has been serious, resulting from such causes as sharp declines in the number of tourists.
昨年の政変以降、観光客が激減するなど、経済の落ち込みは深刻だ。
The military rulers have acknowledged the need for support from the International Monetary Fund and have entered negotiations with the IMF on specific aid plans.
軍政は、国際通貨基金（ＩＭＦ）による支援の必要性を認め、協議に入った。
The Muslim Brotherhood is committed to efforts to make Islamic values compatible with a market economy.
ムスリム同胞団は、イスラムの価値観と市場経済の両立を目指し、
For example, it has indicated it is in favor of adopting a policy of exempting foreign tourists from the Islamic ban on drinking.
外国人観光客にまで禁酒を強いるような戒律の強制はしない方針を示唆している。
This can be taken as a sign of pragmatism on the part of the Muslim Brotherhood in light of the importance of tourism to the Egyptian economy.
エジプト経済における観光の重みを踏まえた、現実路線の表れに違いない。
In parliament, the Freedom and Justice Party is reportedly groping for ways to formulate an alliance with secular political parties.
議会では、自由公正党は世俗派政党との連携を模索中だ。
Attention is being paid to whether the FJP and secular parties can reach an agreement on basic policy matters.
基本政策で合意はできるのかどうか。
In the Middle East and North Africa, where the storm of transformations called the "Arab Spring" has been blowing, the power of Islamist forces has been on the rise along with moves for democratization.
「アラブの春」と呼ばれる変革の波に洗われる中東・北アフリカ地域では、民主化に伴い、イスラム主義勢力が台頭している。
The Muslim Brotherhood's moves from now on will likely serve as a litmus test about whether democracy can take root in these regions.
エジプトのムスリム同胞団の動向は、この地域で民主化が定着するか否かを占う試金石になろう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 3, 2012)
（2012年2月3日01時19分 読売新聞）
スポンサードリンク
プロフィール
カイちゃん父親に花束を捧げる
タイのスラチャイです
妻はタイ人、娘ばかり３人も！ 
■近況
２００９年の９月１５日に脳梗塞を発症、右手が少し不自由になりました。
MRAで脳梗塞の部位を特定でき、素早い処置をとれたので大事に至りませんでした。
快復にむけてリハビリ中です。
(2011/01/01更新)
■自己紹介・リンク
[ はじめに ]
タイのスラチャイです。
英語学習に王道はありません。
毎日毎日の地道な努力の積み重ねが必要です。
スラチャイはＮＨＫのラジオ英語会話で現在の英語力を身につけました。
一日僅か１５分の学習でも数年間継続すれば相当な学習効果が期待できます。
[ 名前 ]
松井 清 （スラチャイ）
[ 略歴 ]
・福岡県出身
・国立高知大学卒業
・準大手建設会社に就職
・50歳で会社を早期退職
・99/10 タイ全土を旅行
・00/10 タイに移住
・03/07 カイちゃん誕生
・07/06 シーファーちゃん誕生
・現在タイ国コンケン在住
[ 座右の銘 ]
Slow and steady wins the race.
遅くとも着実な者が勝利する
（NHK基礎英語芹沢栄先生）
[ 学習の手引き ]
・音読して耳から英語を吸収
・Think in English.
・ネイティブ発音付辞書活用
・英英辞典を活用（英和も）
・翻訳和文で専門用語確認
[ English Newspapers ]
Yomiuri
Mainichi
Asahi
Japan Times
Washington Post
Newyork Times
Bangkok Post
The Nations
Phuket Gazette
[ 英字新聞の英和対訳学習 ]
英字新聞（読売）
英字新聞（毎日）
英字新聞（朝日）
英字新聞（朝日２）
[ スラチャイ編集の辞書 ]
タイ日辞書（改訂版）
日タイ辞書（改訂版）
ラオ日辞書
日ラオ辞書
[ 英字新聞リンク ]
ocn cafe
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オンラインカジノとは
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スラチャイ編曲のmidiのギター曲
スラチャイ編曲のJ.S.Bachです
スラチャイの多国言語学習
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seesaaサイト内リンク一覧：
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03 声をかけるとき
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05 謝罪の言葉と答え方
06 聞き直すとき
07 相手の言うことがわからないとき
08 うまく言えないとき
09 一般的なあいづち
10 よくわからないときの返事
11 強めのあいづち
12 自分について述べるとき
13 相手のことを尋ねるとき
14 頼みごとをするとき
15 申し出・依頼を断るとき
16 許可を求めるとき
17 説明してもらうとき
18 確認を求めるとき
19 状況を知りたいとき
20 値段の尋ね方と断り方
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22 待ってもらいたいとき
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サイト外HPリンク一覧：
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02 別れのあいさつ
03 声をかけるとき
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タイの文化一覧:
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02 勉強熱心なタイ人女性たち
03 タイ人は敬謙な仏教徒
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06 タイ人は外食が大好き
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seesaaサイト内リンク一覧：
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サイト外HPリンク一覧：
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第０７番目の戒律
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[ 英字新聞リンク ]
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HP2 srachai2000_2
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